Нейлинг. Ахеменидское присутствие на Черном море


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ACHAEMENID IMPACT IN THE BLACK SEA
COMMUNICATION OF POWERS
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BLACK SEA STUDIES
THE DANISH NATIONAL RESEARCH FOUNDATIONS
CENTRE FOR BLACK SEA STUDIES
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AARHUS UNIVERSITY PRESS
ACHAEMENID IMPACT
COMMUNICATION OF POWERS
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Achaemenids in the Caucasus? 15
Maria Brosius
Pax Persica and the Peoples of the Black Sea Region: Extent and
Limits of Achaemenid Imperial Ideology 29
The Labraunda Sphinxes 41
Recent Investigations of the Ulski Kurgans 47
Diana Gergova
Orphic Thrace and Achaemenid Persia 67
Vladimir Goroncharovskij
A Silver Rhyton with a Representation of a Winged Ibex from the
Fourth Semibratniy Tumulus 87
Tatiana N. Smekalova
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Influenced by the Achaemenids 161
Lâtife Summerer & Alexander von Kienlin
Achaemenid Impact in Paphlagonia:
Rupestral Tombs in the Amnias Valley 195
Mikhail Treister
Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware,
Jewellery and Arms and their Imitations to the North of the
Achaemenid Empire 223
Christopher Tuplin
Revisiting Dareios Scythian Expedition 281
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A short historical overview
For 200 years, from the second half of the sixth century to the decades before
330 BC, the Persian dynasty of the Achaemenids ruled Anatolia and Arme-
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trative system. Possibly they achieved this by granting them the monopoly
in sea trade and using the Anatolian Greeks as the main active bearers and
transmitters of Persian customs and culture. More research into this chapter
of Persian history is still required.
The development of research
Over the past few years, the breadth of research into the Persians has ex-
point of Greek writers, the Achaemenid period is generally a marginal area of
the archaeological disciplines. Whereas for Classical archaeologists the Persian
Empire lies in the far east and most of them are not well acquainted with its
the destruction of Nineveh in 612 BC marks the end of the great cultures of
the ancient Near East. In addition, they are often not well acquainted with
the cultural history of the west. Historically, each of the disciplines has devel-
oped independently, adopting different approaches and even using different
a marginal area of study as the Achaemenid period particularly interesting,
Nevertheless, several years ago a few scholars who were closely intercon-
up this challenge. As a result, several important international conferences oc-
curred. While the conference held in Paris in 2003, which published the report
Colloque sur larchéologie de lempire achéménide
(Persika 6, 2005), was devoted
to the whole Achaemenid Empire, a conference held in Istanbul in 2005 (
Achaemenid Impact on Local Populations and Cultures in Anatolia. (6
… 4
Cen-
restricted itself mainly to the monuments of Anatolia. However, in
this way, it provided a perspective on the types of influence that affected the
shores of the Black Sea. Further important information on the Achaemenids
in the region of the Black Sea can be found in the publications of the Vani
A new Aarhus project
The Aarhus Centre for Black Sea Studies is currently working on the accultura-
tion process from a distinctly Pontic perspective. The new project is devoted
to the most significant phases of the Persian period. As in other regions, new
meanings and values were introduced by the Persians which had a defining
indicators as well as the presence of Persian-influenced precious objects. The
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Introduction9
project is interested not only in the areas which belonged to the Persian Em-
pire as satrapies but also in the neighbouring regions, which were or might
have been in close contact with the Persians. One of the aims of the project is
to establish the different positions that the various regions held … both geo-
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writers … Thrace as part of Europe or as part of Asia Minor … and for which
She also analyses the name SkudraŽ, as used in Persian inscriptions. In spite
of a general consensus, even today there is no absolute certainty that this term
Maria Brosius
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Introduction11
features and reliefs … and originally probably also painted … the graves from
Donalar, Terelik, and Salarköy exhibit extremely interesting echoes of Persian
possible indications of the way in which various external influences could
In southwest Anatolia also, in Karia, elements of Persian influence are
explains how, under the harsh rule of
one time belonged to the Thracian satrapy. Even though it was under Persian
rule probably for only a few centuries, more than 100 years later clear traces
Diana Gergova
and silver from both Kurgan and Douvanli, which were mostly deposited in
the fourth century BC, but contain objects that are definitely older. The objects
are examined in respect of their function and Gergova comes to the conclu-
turn can be divided into various categories. Besides jewellery, horse-trappings
and weapons, drinking vessels can also be identified. In respect of form, the
objects often appear to be local imitations of Achaemenid objects and indi-
cate the influence of the Achaemenid Empire, which at that time had turned
Thrace into a Persian satrapy. However, Gergova connects the contents of
these hoards with local cults, indicating how closely related they were to the
Mother Goddess and to Apollo and Ars.
Similarly, the objects which reflect Achaemenid influence east of the Black
Sea mainly come from graves. In a wide-ranging contribution,
vides a survey of
objects influenced by the Achaemenids from the Caucasus,
Persian Empire. As usual, a discussion arises as to how far these objects indi-
cate an Achaemenid occupation. Nevertheless, they provide clear proof that
in the long term the power of the Persians left significant traces, in spite of
the strong indigenous traditions of the various small tribes who lived in this
Focusing on a single site,
presents finds from the northern
Caucasus. The extraordinarily rich Ulski Kurgans were partly excavated at the
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end of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century, and partly
at the beginning of the 21st century. To some extent, since they contained no
burials, they are to be considered as ritual sites. Along with typical Scythian
objects, they also provide objects demonstrating Achaemenid influence. The
second half of the fourth century BC. On the basis of comparative examples
from Achaemenid centres such as Pasargadae, the late phase shows the ex-
tensive sphere of activity of the Achaemenids and a close connection with the
Persian Empire. A discussion of the production of these objects concludes that
there must have been workshops in Colchis which imitated the Achaemenid
In Colchis, which lies to the south, remains of architecture can be compared
which unequivocally prove a close connection with the Persian Empire. The
Iulon Gagoshidze
Ilias Babaev
the north construction of buildings was carried out by or in accordance with
stone … there is no tradition of building with stone in this region … and the ar-
chitectural features, such as the bell-shaped bases and the rediscovered Persian
propyleion, are very similar to remains from the Achaemenid heartland. We
was located on a neighbouring hill. Nevertheless, its general size and its care-
fully worked style, which is very like the architecture of Persian residences in
the heartland, establish that Karacamirli was the dominant residence of a high-
ranking authority in this region, if not the central building complex overall.
Similar remains in neighbouring Gumbati and Sari Tepe, which have come
the original. It remains interesting … according to what we know so far …that
Achaemenid power felt it particularly necessary to make its presence and its
Mikhail Treister
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Introduction13
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There are many publications about the Achaemenids and their culture. But
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Adele Bill
16
nia and Azerbaijan, that is, the area of Transcaucasia? (Fig. 1). In particular,
do we have proof for any cultural influence or, even more, for the presence
of the Achaemenids?
Apart from some stone-built tombs and a coffin in Susa (from the very
end of the Achaemenid period, ca. 350-332 BC) (Razmjou 2005, 174-179), we
do not know very much about burial customs in ancient Persia. What did the
tombs look like? What were the burial customs? What types of burial goods
were deposited? In my opinion, no satisfactory answers to these questions
Most scholars dealing with the archaeological material of the southern
Caucasus or Transcaucasia and the location of the northern border of ancient
Persia refer to Herodotos (3.97):
Gifts were also required of the Colchians and their neighbours
as far as the Caucasian mountains (which is as far as the Persian
rule reaches, the country north of the Caucasus paying no regard
to the Persians);these were rendered every four years and are
still so rendered, namely, a hundred boys and as many maidens
(Curtis 2005a, 47, translated by A.D. Godley).
According to Herodotos, the northern border of ancient Persia extended as far
as the Caucasian mountains. But only the region of modern Armenia is men-
tioned as a part of the satrapy system, as a part of the 13th and 18th satrapies.
On the other hand, Colchis
1
, mostly located in present-day western Georgia,
Fig. 1. Transcaucasia. 1 Mingeaur; 2 Novemberian (after National Geographic).
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Achaemenids in the Caucasus?17
seems to have held a special position: it had to pay a tribute in the form of
100 young boys and girls. Nothing is known about the status of present-day
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Adele Bill
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other burial grounds, they should still be referred to as rich. They contained
gold jewellery, weapons and imported pottery. Unfortunately, the peripheral
burials are mentioned only briefly in the publications.
Another very interesting feature is the distribution of the rich burials
(Fig. 2). The burials with the greatest dimensions and the wealthiest endow-
ments were situated near the Rioni river and its tributary, the Kvirila, whereas
the smaller and less rich burials of the same type were located south of the
Kura/Mtkvari river.
On closer examination, these rich burials show some very interesting pecu-
liarities. Their construction differs considerably from the graves prevailing in
burial rites: The deceased is often placed in a supine position, and there are
also accompanying burials, probably of persons from the entourage, but also
horse and dog burials. These elements can hardly be seen as autochthonous
developments of the local burial custom, rather, they indicate an influence
from outside.
Close similarities to these peculiarities can be found in the burial types and
burial customs of the Eurasian nomads. The division of the burial chamber
into two sections by a large step as in Sairche 5, 8 and 13 (Fig. 3.2.4) can
also be observed in the northern Pontic area, for example in the mound of
Konstantinovka-na-Donu (sixth century BC) (Kijako & Korenjako 1976, 171,
Fig. 2. Georgia.  rich burials (after Bill 2003, pls. 1, 5).
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Achaemenids in the Caucasus?19
fig. 1) and in southern Siberia: In the mound of kurgan 8 in Tukty (Altai)
(fifth to fourth century BC) the floor of the southern part was located 65cm
deeper than that of the northern part. In the northern part, burials of horses
were found (Kiselev 1949, 170; Rudenko 1960, 18-19). The sacrifice of one or
more horses or of horse harnesses as
pars pro toto
is a custom of these early
nomadic people.
The individuals buried south of the Kura/Mtkvari river had been placed in
tion can be compared to the Caucasian funeral traditions. On the other hand,
the individuals north of the Kura/Mtkvari river were mostly placed on their
backs or bent too, but only with a slight contraction as in Itchvisi (Fig. 3.1).
This can be compared to burials from the Altai, such as Berel 31, Kazakhstan
2007, 152, fig. 8), or from southern Siberia, for example the recently excavated
Fig. 3. Rich burials. 1 Itchvisi 2; 2 Sairche 13; 3 Vani 11; 4 Sairche 5 (drawing
S. Schorndorfer).
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
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Adele Bill
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kurgan Aran 2, which dates to the seventh century
Examination of the burial goods from these
Transcaucasian graves reveals that they have no
predecessors in this area. Objects of similar types
are common in Greece, Asia Minor and Persia.
But regarding both the burial goods and the grave
constructions of these Transcaucasian graves it be-
comes obvious that more similarities to Scythian/
Sarmatian burials can be found. A comparison with Achaemenid jewellery
is hardly possible, because almost no jewellery from greater Iran has been
preserved. The only examples of jewellery from the period are beside those
from Susa found in hoards: the Oxus Treasure (200 BC) (Curtis 2005a, 48),
the Lydian Treasure, the hoard from Pasargadae and the so-called Ardebil
Treasure (Curtis 2005b, 132). John Curtis has pointed out some characteris-
Fig. 4. Earrings.
1 Gaston Uota 22;
2 Vani 6;
3 Sazonkin Bugor;
4 Sadseguri
(1 after Moinskij 2006, 90; 2 after Miron & Orthmann
4 after Miron & Orthmann 1995, 161, fig. 162).
2
1
3
4
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Achaemenids in the Caucasus?21
tics: Achaemenid jewellery is distinguished for the fine quality of the inlaid
polychrome decoration that is characteristic of this period. ƒ various items of
jewellery were inlaid with pieces of stone, glass, faienceƒ the most popular
inlay stones were turquoise, lapis lazuli and carnelianŽ (Curtis 2005b, 132).
In my opinion, there is no evidence for polychrome, cloisonné jewellery in
were (by the way, as much as the Eurasian nomads) more famous for their
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Fig. 5. Clothing ornaments.
1 Sairche 5;
2 Uljap;
3, 5, 7 Vani 16, 6, 9;
4 Aleksandrovka;
6 Bajkara;
8 Kurdips (1 after Nadiradze 1990, pl. 3.2; 2 after Erlich 2007, 210, fig. 7; 3
1972, 166; 8 after Galanina 1980, 83-84, pl. 7, cat. no. 17).
5.8
5.7
5.5
5.35.4
5.1
5.2
5.6
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Achaemenids in the Caucasus?23
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Adele Bill
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Fig. 6. Glass vessels.
1 Pichvnari 48;
2 Vani 6;
3 Kurdips (1 after Miron & Orthmann 1995, 295, cat. no. 268; 2 after Lordkipanidze
1983, 37, cat. no. 393; 3 after Galanina 1980, 80-81, cat. no. 8).
12
3
To summarize, there are several conclusions that can be drawn. Despite the
central Persia (they were separated by present-day Armenia and Azerbaijan),
we have evidence of burials which are proof of some kind of cultural contact
with the Persian Empire. However, they do not indicate the character of these
payment of toll) or hostile (perhaps the grave contents were loot in the case
of defence or offence).
However, the burial types and burial rites were obviously influenced by
the Eurasian nomads (that is, people from the Volga district, the northern
Caucasus or Siberia). Since the Eurasian nomads were part of the northern
and for other Iranian people, for example the Persians and the Medes. We
water drunk at the Persian residence. The very same ceremony is described
by Herodotos as a Scythian ritual (6.84).
The only objects of clear Persian origin, without any parallels in the no-
madic graves, are the Ahura-Mazda medallions (horse harnesses) in Sairche
8 (Nadiradze 1990, pl. 5.3). They should, however, be considered as Persian
gifts, rather than proof for a Persian presence in western Transcaucasia.
What are the implications of these observations? Was there a real Persian
presence in Georgia, or was there simply contact, or is it that only an influ-
ence is discernible?
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Achaemenids in the Caucasus?25
1. Epigraphic/written evidence
: There is no evidence of Persian inscriptions in
Georgia like those which have been found in many other places outside central
Persia. Only six Achaemenid cylinder seals have been discovered in Georgia,
though they were found in burials dated from the fourth to the first century
BC (Dzhavakhishvili 2007, 118, 126). On the other hand, there is a mention
of Scythians on the River Phasis (nowadays Rioni) by Herodotos (6.84).
2.The onomastic material
3. Coinage
: There is only one find of an Achaemenid sikel in Georgia. It was
coins, kolchidki (Golenko 1957, 296). On the other hand, many drachmae of
Sinop (fourth century BC) and a few kyzikoi (sixth to fifth century BC) have
been discovered (Golenko 1957, 296-297).
4. Architecture
: There is evidence for the use of mud-bricks a common build-
ing material in the Near East in Georgia from the Hellenistic period. For the
confirmation of the existence of an Achaemenid palace in Gumbati (southeast
Georgia) we have in my opinion too little evidence.
2
5. Burial customs
: Apart from a few burial goods, the burial customs and
burial types of the rich Transcaucasian graves are similar to those found in
the archaeological material of the Eurasian nomads. As long as no comparable
burials are known within the area of modern Iran, there exists no proof for a
strong Persian influence.
Fig. 7. Scythian
finds from the sev-
enth to sixth century
BC. 1 Samtavro;
2 Cicamuri; 3
Dvani; 4 Tli; 5
Brili; 6 Kolchida;
7 Kulanurchva;
8 Guadichu; 9
Krasnyj Majak;
10 Mingeaur;
11 Tejebaini (after
Pogrebova 1981, 45).
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1 For a definition of Colchis, see Bill 2003, 37-38.
2 F. Knauß (2005, 204) dated the Gumbati palaceŽ on the basis of the ceramic
material to the later 5th or early 4th c. B.C.Ž However, the pottery of the sec-
ond half of the first millennium BC in Georgia is still very poorly investigated.
only by one archaeological site … Gumbati (das 5. und 4. Jh.v.Chr. ist lediglich
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Achaemenids in the Caucasus?27
Kijako, V.Ja. & V.A. Korenjako 1976. Pogrebenie rannego železnogo veka u
1976/1, 170-177.
Kiselev, S.V. 1949.
Drevnjaja istorija Južnoj Sibiri
(Materialy i issledovanija po
archeologii SSSR 9). Moscow.
Knauß, F. 2005. Caucasus, in: P. Briant & R. Boucharlat (eds.),
Larchéologie de
lempire achéménide: nouvelles recherches. Actes du colloque organisé au Col-
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and the Peoples of the
of Achaemenid Imperial Ideology
Maria Brosius
The problem of the historical record
fifth centuries BC, archaeologists appear to have a considerable amount of
on to undeniable factual evidence for Achaemenid presence in this region in
the shape of Achaemenid column bases and entire palace-like structures, the
Sea region in the Achaemenid period resembles a clutching at straws. To be
sure, the evaluation of the archaeological evidence is not without its own
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Maria Brosius
The question of the political status of the Black Sea regions
A central question for the Black Sea regions in the Achaemenid period is that
regarding their political status within the Persian Empire and … following from
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Pax Persica and the Peoples of the Black Sea Region31
and medieval sources for this region allows the conclusion that there is no
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Maria Brosius
These are the arguments recently put forward by Jan Stronk who thus ex-
presses his scepticism in regard to Thraces status as a satrapy.
He adds his
voice to similar concerns expressed by Zofia Archibald.
Their view, I think,
needs to be given serious consideration. As in the case of Colchis and Iberia,
the political status of Thrace within the Persian administration remains un-
clear. What can be ascertained is that both regions west and east of the Black
Sea came under Persian control at the same time. Also, in both cases … though
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Pax Persica and the Peoples of the Black Sea Region33
might not have been extended to the different peoples belonging to it, or, in
The ideology of pax persica and the Black Sea regions
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Maria Brosius
cessful integrationŽ of the local elite into the Persian ideology may also be
grasped in the adoption of Persian values by the local elite, expressed in the
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Pax Persica and the Peoples of the Black Sea Region35
onto Greek-Persian contact there is through the fine Achaemenizing luxury
can be identified as deriving directly from Achaemenid craftsmen; most have
been produced locally, merely pointing to the existence of a close contact with
Persian goldsmiths and silversmiths at some point in time. Select Achaemenid
motifs and Achaemenid-style vessels (phialae, rhyta, jugs) as well as jewellery
Thrace, indicating an adaptation of Persian luxury objects after the Persian
38
Such objects likewise are amply represented for the Cau-
casus region and the north Pontic coast. The finds from all around the Black
Sea of Persian-inspired luxury objects show that an intensive Persian-Greek
duction on the demand of the Thracians, Scythians and Caucasians. Thus,
through the Greek craftsmen and the production of Achaemenizing luxury
goods in many of the Greek cities of the Pontos we may identify these as a
Many of the objects appear in the context of the court, especially the court
of the Odrysian kings. The Greek inscriptions on phialae naming Thracian
kings are reminiscent of the inscribed phialae and other vessels of the Persian
kings, and may allude to their similar use as royal gifts as a practice adopted
from Persia. Other objects, like the rhyta, were adapted into shapes very dif-
ferent from the Persian original and may hint at an independent artistic de-
velopment.
39
Fig. 1. Ring with the figure of a seated Persian
carved in intaglio. Gold; cast and carved. Length
of bezel 2.3cm. Bosporan Kingdom, Pantikapaion.
Late fifth century BC. Inv. no. P-1854.26.
Courtesy of The State Hermitage Museum, St
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Maria Brosius
While the production of known luxury goods related to the court and
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Pax Persica and the Peoples of the Black Sea Region37
the area north of the Caucasus is unknown, but is thought to have occurred in
the early fifth century (Jacobs 2000, 99). Even the area south of the Danube had
11 Hdt. 3.97: (ƒ) the Colchians and their neighbours as far as the Caucasus moun-
tains (which is as far as the Persian rule reaches, the country north of the Caucasus
paying no regard to the Persians)Ž.
12 He identifies a KleinsatrapieŽ of Colchis as part of the HauptstrapieŽ Armenia,
which only for a brief period may have been under Persian control.
13 Meissner 2000; cf. Furtwängler 2000.
14 Briant 2002, 145 refers to a Thracian-Macedonian satrapyŽ.
15 Fol & Hammond 1988, 247.
16 Jacobs in press.
17 Hdt. 3.96 states vaguely that Dareios received tribute from the peoples in Europe
as far as Thessaly.
18 Hdt. 7.185.
19 Hdt. 7.79.
20 Only the Asian Thracians pay tribute according to Hdt. 3.90: the Hellespontians
on the right side of the straits, the Phrygians, Thracians of Asia, Paphlagonians,
satrapy. In regard to military service, Hdt. 7.75 (after listing the Paphlagonians,
Phrygians and Lydians) states that the Thracians wore fox-skin caps and tunics,
and were equipped with javelins, little shields and daggers. They were com-
manded by Bassakes, son of Artabanus. According to Hdt. 7.79, the Mares and
Colchians were commanded by Phanadates son of Teaspis. They appear alongside
the Alarodians and Saspires, commanded by Masistius son of Siromitres.
21 Cf. Fol & Hammond 1988, 247; Briant 2002, 145.
22 Wiesehöfer 1993: 94-95; Briant 2002, 177.
23 DH 4-6; DPh 5-8.
24 Hdt. 4.143, 5.14.
25 Hdt. 7.105-106.
26 Hdt. 9.116.
27 The reason, however, as Jan P. Stronk argues, can hardly be because the Persians
evidently lacked sufficient power to exercise effective controlŽ (Stronk 1998-1999,
68). Surely, it cannot be suggested that an empire with unlimited resources of
military and administrative power, with equally unlimited material resources
reaching from the Indus valley to Egypt, lacked the power to control a region of
28 Archibald 1998, 79-90, 102.
29 Kitov 2007, 39. Cf. Fol & Hammond 1988.
30 See the discussion by Meissner (2000).
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Maria Brosius
as their official language, while their court was modelled on that of the Persian
king, the question is, where did the Thracians place themselves?
33 That said, when looking more closely at these official monuments of Persian ide-
ology it is somewhat striking that for some regions, including Thrace, the other-
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Pax Persica and the Peoples of the Black Sea Region39
Briant, P. 2002.
From Cyrus to Alexander. A history of the Persian Empire
. Winona
Cook, B.F. (ed.) 1989.
The Rogozen Treasure. Papers of the Anglo-Bulgarian Con-
ference, 12 March 1987
Delev, P. 1985. Bevölkerung und Siedlungssystem an der bulgarischen Schwarz-
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Meissner, B. 2000. A belated nation: Sources on Iberia and Iberian Kingship,
Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran und Turan
32, 177-206.
The Black Sea Region. Past, Present and Fu-
ture
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The Labraunda Sphinxes
Anne Marie Carstens
The sanctuary at Labraunda
The local rulers of the Hekatomnid dynasty, Maussollos and Idrieus, reno-
vated the rural sanctuary dedicated to the local Karian Zeus Labraundos in
the mountains north of Mylasa in Karia in the fourth century BC.
1
The Hek-
atomnids were Persian satraps in the newly-established satrapy of Karia and
they acted as both local kings and as representatives of the hegemonic power,
the Achaemenid Persian Empire.
The closest
2
references to Achaemenid iconography in Labraunda are the
two sphinxes found in 1953 in the cella of andron C and in 1960 southeast of
andron B, respectively. Originally they served as corner acroteriae on andron
B.
3
As can be seen from the drawing of the restored faade of the andron, they
add quite a prominent, seemingly foreign, element to the ostensibly traditional
Greek ante-style faade of the building (Fig. 1).
I have recently argued that the sanctuary at Labraunda, and in particular
the androns of Maussollos and Idrieus, andron B and andron A, had a palatial
function.
4
The androns served as audience halls, and therefore the architecture
and decoration of the buildings were loaded with ideological content. This is
not least the case with the sphinxes.
Fig. 1. The faade of andron A, recon-
struction drawing (Gunter 1995,
fig. 6).
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Anne Marie Carstens
42
The sphinxes
ter preserved, so that it is possible to discern its original posture and general
appearance, although it is heavily weathered (Fig. 2).
It is a strange sphinx.
5
Peculiarly archaistic and severe, the long beard is
the beard and chest and neck is indicated by a groove. Quite a long moustache
breaks the massive impression of the beard and emphasizes the lip line. The
hair above the forehead is rolled up and frames the face in a semicircle; two
On the head are a
polos
Likewise, the body and legs of the animal are quite summarily modelled,
elling. It is all very impressive. Severe and powerful, the sphinx guards the
Persian counterparts
It is clear that the Labraunda sphinxes draw on Persian counterparts, known
from court art, where male bearded sphinxes act as guards, for instance at
the palace of Dareios in Persepolis, or on stamp seals, often centred around
a winged sun disc symbolizing or referring to Ahuramazda.
6
Of particular
interest is a group of fifth century BC seals produced in the western Empire.
Fig. 2. The Labraunda sphinx (photo by the
author).
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The Labraunda Sphinxes43
Here, heraldic or single royal sphinxes are among the decorations of the seals.
Some of the seals are inscribed with Lydian names, and they were probably
produced and used in Lydia by the satrapal administration.
7
This means that
the motif was not unknown and the reference to the Achaemenid, satrapal
administration was probably clearly understood.
Sphinxes at Sidon
Three male, bearded heads, quite similar to the Labraunda sphinxes, were
found in the Eschmun sanctuary at Sidon (Fig. 3).
8
Because of their likeness,
they even bear a
polos
on the amphi-prostyle temple in the sanctuary.
The sanctuary at Sidon shares many features with the sanctuary in
9
And an inter-
tion, has convincingly been presented.
10
Zeus Labraundos
Persian court art is not the only analogy evoked by these guardian sphinxes,
they indeed also represent an important reference to the sanctuary in which
each shoulder. There can be little doubt that these elements were meant to
evoke the ancient cult image of Zeus Labraundos (Fig. 4). In this way, the
seemingly very Persian sphinxes all the same reveal their embedding in the
Fig. 3. Fragment of a head from the
Eschmun sanctuary at Sidon (Stucky 2005,
Taf. 11.B40).
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Anne Marie Carstens
44
the participant was under the protection and surveillance of the force of the
Achaemenid Empire as well as that of Zeus Labraundos.
The architectural wrapping of the official, palatial quarters of Labraunda,
the androns, underlined the Hekatomnid ideological iconography that played
on a multitude of strings. It alluded and referred to a vast number of relations
that all pulled in the same direction, embellishing the king as a blessed one.
of the old Anatolian/Phrygian palaces at Gordion.
11
They were decorated
with corner acroteriae both referring to the Persian guardian sphinxes of the
palaces of the Persian heartland and to the old Anatolian cult image of Zeus
Labraundos. This reception hall inside the sanctuary of the local Zeus was
used by the Hekatomnid satrap and the king of the Karians.
12
In his publication of the Eschmun sanctuary, Rolf Stucky characterizes the
style of the complex as Phoenician eclecticism.
13
Karian eclecticism may
likewise be used as a general description of Labraunda.
14
I am convinced that Labraunda was the key sanctuary for the Hekatom-
nids, that they staged and used the rural site as an extended palace, it being
sphinxes concurrently demonstrated the Achaemenid presence, that meant
an Achaemenid will to protect and preserve the Hekatomnids as satraps, and
that the standing Persian army had secured this outstanding position, while
Zeus Labraundos both accepted the rulership and blessed the ruler.
15
Fig. 4. Zeus Labraundos depicted on
a column base kept in the Bodrum
Museum (photo by the author).
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The Labraunda Sphinxes45
1 Cf. Hornblower 1982, 59-62; Hellström 1991.
2 And perhaps also the only fairly clear example. Although Ann C. Gunter sug-
gested that the relief depicting a Persian chariot may be an Iranian dedication,
with fourth century BC Greek sculpture,
3 Gunter 1995, 21-30.
4 Carstens 2009; Carstens forthcoming a.
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Stucky, R.A. 1988. Sidon … Labraunda … Halikarnassos, in: M. Schmidt (ed.),
Kanon, Festschrift Ernst Berger
Stucky, R.A. 2005.
Das Eschmun-Heiligtum von Sidon. Architektur und Inschriften
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Recent Investigations of the Ulski Kurgans
Russia. Their chronological position is very important: the earlier kurgans
Investigation of this site began in 1898, when Professor Nikolai Veselovsky
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Vladimir R. Erlikh
48
The collections from the Ulski kurgans, located in three museums as out-
lined above, can be divided into four chronological periods.
1. The oldest of the Ulski kurgans is kurgan 1/1908 (Fig. 3). Its collection
includes Archaic iron triple-looped cheekpieces and bronze bits with stirrup-
shaped ends. These items find parallels in the cast ornaments from the Younger
Kelermes group (excavated by D.G. Schults). This horizon shows a series of
similarities with finds from kurgan 16 of the Novozavedennoe burial complex
in the Stavropol region. This kurgan produced two northern Ionian vessels
an oinochoe and a stemmed cup, which dates from the end of the seventh to
the beginning of the sixth century BC.
6
Kurgan 1/1908 can therefore be dated
to around the first half of the sixth century BC.
2. The second chronological horizon includes kurgans 2 and 3/1908, 1 and
2/1909 (Figs. 4, 5), as well as the kurgan excavated by Leskov in 1982 (Fig. 6).
These kurgans already show another horse-bridle system here we find dou-
ble-perforated cheekpieces, the transition to which, in our opinion, takes place
in the middle of the sixth century BC. A fragment from a triple-looped cheek-
piece was found only in one kurgan (10/1982) (Fig. 6.7), and double-perforated
ones are prevalent here. The kurgans are quite closely related to each other, with
close similarities not only in the bridle gear but also amongst a number of gold
pairs shaped like the heads of birds of prey come from kurgan 2/1909 (Fig. 5.10)
and kurgan 10/1982 (Fig. 6.11-12), the latter apparently having originated first.
Fig. 1. Sites of the Scythian period around Aul Ulyap.
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Recent Investigations of the Ulski Kurgans49
dered kurgans, Greek imports are non-existent in this chronological group.
The only eastern Greek import in the Ulyap area is a Rhodian-Ionian kylix,
with a stick-like ornament, of this period, found in an Ulyap flat grave burial
of the same date as these kurgans.
7
3. The third chronological horizon includes kurgans 1/1898 (the Great
Ulski kurgan) and 2/1898, which brought forth Attic imports from the end
of the sixth to the beginning of the fifth century BC fragments of kylikes
(Fig. 7.2), a siphon (Fig. 7.14) and a fragment of a closed vessel (a hydria or
an amphora). According to Irina Ksenofontova, who studied the Greek im-
the Kuban interior as a result of the second phase of Athenian colonization
at the end of the sixth to the first third of the fifth century BC.
8
4. Kurgan 11 of the Ulski group, the small mound of which was demol-
ished during construction work, would seem to be somewhat later (Fig. 8).
The bridle types found here can be dated with certainty within the fifth cen-
tury BC.
9
A cheekpiece plaque from this complex (Fig. 8.10) finds its parallel
in a plaque from the fourth Semibratnee kurgan and burial 16 of kurgan 5 in
Kriviya Luka VIII in the Volga region.
10
Thus, the chronology of the Ulski kurgans is such that a large part of the
complex relates to the rise and peak of Achaemenid rule. I will discuss the
possible appearance of Achaemenid influence at the end of this paper.
Fig. 2. Plan of the Ulski kurgans.
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Vladimir R. Erlikh
50
The function of the kurgans
Another equally important question regards the function and topography of
the kurgan group. For a long time, the Ulski kurgans were considered classic
burial monuments of the Scythian culture of the northern Caucasus territory.
Even now, most experts consider these kurgans to be burial complexes that
continue the Kelermes tradition and date them to the sixth to fifth century BC.
11
A.M. Leskov challenged this point of view in 1982, when he excavated
the only kurgan left untouched by Professor Veselovsky kurgan 10. The
kurgan turned out to be a shrine and not a burial complex after all.
12
An ap-
proximately 1m high earthen platform was uncovered below the kurgan fill.
the south.
In the centre of the structure, a wooden framework was uncovered (Fig. 6.1),
inside which the ritual platform had been erected. A large bronze cauldron
Fig. 3. Items from kurgan 1/1908. First chronological horizon.
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Recent Investigations of the Ulski Kurgans51
were found on the platform, most of which had already been plundered. The
remains of 29 horse sacrifices were found lying around the ritual platform
and covered with a wooden roof.
The entrance to the structure was from the south, where there was a
breach in the wall. Here, two flat bronze finials (Fig. 6.11-12) were also found.
Judging by the bridle gear from this kurgan, it can be dated to the second
half of the sixth century BC. Following the excavation of this kurgan, and
shrine.
13
It should be noted that Veselovsky did not mention the remains of
human bones or burial pits or graves anywhere in his reports on the Ulski
kurgans.
At the same time, ritual complexes and complex shrines, originating as
early as the Protomeotian period,
14
are typical of Meotian archaeological cul-
ture.
15
At present, we know of approximately 40 such sites. The closest ones
to the Ulski kurgans, in geographical terms, are the kurgan shrines of the
Ulyap necropolis of the first half of the fourth century BC
16
and the shrines in
the Tenginskaya II necropolis 10km north of Ulyap (second half of the fourth
century BC).
17
Fig. 4. Items from kurgan 1/1909. Second chronological horizon.
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Vladimir R. Erlikh
52
Fig. 5. Items from kurgan 2/1909. Second chronological horizon.
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Recent Investigations of the Ulski Kurgans53
Fig. 6. Items from kurgan 10/1982. Second chronological horizon.
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Vladimir R. Erlikh
54
Fig. 7. Items from kurgan 1 (1-2) and 2 (3-14) 1898. Third chronological horizon.
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Recent Investigations of the Ulski Kurgans55
In their 1996 abstracts, A.M. Leskov and L.K. Galanina suggested that the
Ulski kurgan group had a dual character. In the central and western parts
shrines were constructed kurgan 10 and the Great Ulski kurgan (1/1898).
Relying on Veselovskys sporadic and rather unclear observations, Leskov
and Galanina suggested that the kurgans were constructed starting from the
east and that the earlier kurgans were built as burial complexes and situated
in the eastern part of the kurgan group. The easternmost kurgan kurgan
1/1908 the finds from which are located in the depots of the State Hermitage
Museum is contemporaneous with the materials from the Schults kurgans
of the Kelermes burial ground.
18
In the summer of 2007, investigation of the remains of the kurgan mound
with its deep trench from the south the result of Veselovskys excavation
was undertaken by the Caucasus Archaeological Expedition of the State Mu-
seum of Oriental Art, funded by the Russian Foundation for the Humanities.
Leskov considered this easternmost Ulski kurgan to be kurgan 1/1908.
Our investigation revealed the remains of a tent-like structure supported
by beams in the mound (Fig. 9). The tent had been constructed above a
wooden canopy erected at the level of the ancient horizon. The remains of
four horses were found in the western part of the canopy, where Veselovskys
trenches had not cut through. They were lying in a circle around a unique
halter, which was covered with wood and reeds.
Fig. 8. Items from kurgan 11/1983. Fourth chronological horizon.
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Vladimir R. Erlikh
56
Two of the horses had iron looped bits (Fig. 10.2-3). A bone looped strap-
separator was found along with the horse-bits of one of these horses (Fig. 10.1).
It is an imitation of the bronze Sialk-type separators and is the first such
find of its kind in the Kuban region. Parallels are known from the Novo-
BC.
19
Additionally, similar bone strap-separators have been found in Archaic
complexes of the Ukrainian forest steppes in zolnik (ash mound) 12 of the
20
as well as in the Zhurovka 448, Raigorod 1 and Aksyu-
tintsi 2 kurgans.
21
In the northern part of the kurgan, also left untouched by the trench, a
heap of pottery sherds was found (including a large clay korchaga (Fig. 10.4)
and also animal bones). These finds show the typological unity of this kurgan
with kurgan 10/1982. No remains of a burial pit or human bones were found
in our kurgan. Therefore, kurgan 1/2007 is also a ritual complex, similar to
kurgan 10/1982.
A few golden application plaques and one separator plaque were found in
Veselovskys trench (Fig. 10.5-16). In shape and size they fully correspond to
the golden ornaments found in kurgan 2/1909 and now in the State Hermitage
Musuem (Fig. 10.17-23). This is especially true of the two golden plaques each
shaped like a mountain goat with legs folded beneath and the head turned to
the back (Fig. 10.6, 10.16, 10.22). Both these plaques (the one in the Hermitage
and the one discovered in 2007) were made using the same stamp.
identical to the two clips from the 1909 kurgan 2 which are now in the State
Fig. 9. Plan of kurgan 1/2007.
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Recent Investigations of the Ulski Kurgans57
Hermitage Museum (Fig. 10.21), on one of which the bone insertion was pre-
served.
22
Similar clips from the Ulski group have only been found in this kur-
gan. A close analogy to both clips comes from the Novozavedennoe II kurgan
6, belonging to the bridle gear of horse no. 1. The authors date this kurgan
Fig. 10. Items from kurgan 1/2007 and Hermitage collection (kurgan 2/1909). 1-16 kur-
gan 1/2007; 17-23 kurgan 2/1909 (State Hermitage Museum).
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The Ulski clips may have also served as bridle-gear
The 2007 kurgan is therefore definitely connected to the finds from kur-
gan 2/1909. It is from this very kurgan that we have the famous Ulski finial
a mountain goat with its head turned back (Fig. 10.23), as well as the unique
silver phalarae and cheekpieces, which will be discussed later on.
Judging by Veselovskys fragmentary reports, he was excavating in the
vicinity of the Great Ulski kurgan in 1909, in other words, in the central or
western part of the kurgan group.
This means that either Veselovskys re-
ports are not quite correct, or that a mistake was made when the finds were
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Recent Investigations of the Ulski Kurgans59
The appearance of such separator plaques for bridle gear in the
by the Persepolis Apadana reliefs, where beak-shaped separator plaques are
was known in Achaemenid Iran.
In Persepolis itself, several stone beak-shapedŽ strap-separators have
The iron strap-separators from the tenth Ulski kurgan are of the same
in their own standing. The resulting question is as follows: could Iran have
been having a reflexiveŽ influence on the Black Sea region?
The reclining mountain goat depiction from Ulski kurgans 1/1909 and
2/1909 (Figs. 4.22, 5.7, 10.6, 16, 22), as well as the similar plaques from the
Vitova mogila kurgan near Kharkov, may not originate from the parallel Kel-
ermes tradition, but rather the tradition of Iran and Asia Minor, where reclin-
ing mountain goats with heads turned back were often depicted. P. Amandri
was the first scholar to suggest that this theme was not necessarily Scythian.
The 14 fine silver phalarae, or forehead straps, from kurgan 2/1909 (Fig. 5.6)
(the kurgan we re-excavated in 2007) pose a certain mystery. L.K. Galanina
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2
compared these with the fine phalarae from the Milski kurgan in Azerbaijan
suggesting Near Eastern or Transcaucasian manufacture.
of the so-called Milesian or Rhodesian vases. This conclusion was based on the
faint resemblance with animals depicted on eastern Greek pottery.
However,
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Recent Investigations of the Ulski Kurgans61
Fig. 11. Strap-separators from Iran and Northern Caucasus. 1-10 Sialk-type strap-sep-
arators: 1 Sialk B, bur. 15; 2 Pshish-I, bur. 51; 3, 4 Pasargadae (Stronach 1978); 5
Oxus Treasure; 6-8 Ulski kurgan 2/1909; 9 Ulski kurgan 10/1982; 10 Ulski kurgan
of the Kamennomostskij type: 12 Kamennomostskij, gr.1921; 13 Klady kurgan
41; 14 Kelermesskaja, kurgan 24; 15 first Krasnoznameskij kurgan; 16-18 Persepolis;
19-21 Ulski kurgan 10/1982.
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Armenia on the Persepolis Apadana reliefs.
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Recent Investigations of the Ulski Kurgans63
26 Medvedskaja 1983, 64-77.
27 Chochorowski 1983, 101.
28 Sazonov 1995, 106, fig. 9.3; Erlikh 2007, fig. 202, 17, 18.
29 Ulskie kurgans forthcoming, cat. 19, 94, 96, 292.
30 Dalton 1964, cat. 146, fig. 69; Calmeyer 1985, 132.
31 Stronach 1978, 216, fig. 93.1-2.
32 Calmeyer 1985, 127-130.
33 Schmidt 1939, 45, fig. 27; Schmidt 1957, pl. 29.3-6; Calmeyer 1985, 128, Abb. 3.
34 Amandry 1965, 149-160.
35 Galanina 1983, 45.
36 \nK 1909-1910, 150, figs. 213, 214.
37 Lukonin 1977b, fig. on p. 50.
38 Katalog Moscow 1987, figs. XIX, XX, cat. 104.
39 \nK 1909-1910, 149, fig. 211.a-b
40 \nK 1909-1910, 150, fig. 212; Ulskie kurgans forthcoming, cat. 118.
41 Borovka 1922, 193-203.
42 Calmeyer 1993, 152, 153, Taf. 43, 44.
43 Lukonin 1977, figs. on pp. 83, 92; Özgen, Öztürk 1996, 118, 119, cat. 73.
44 Ulskie kurgans forthcoming, cat. 79.
45 Katalog Moscow 1987, cat. 102.
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Erlikh, V.R. 2007.
Severo-Zapadnyj Kavkaz v naale železnogo veka: protomeotskaja
. Moscow.
Gabuev, T.A. & V.R. Erlikh 2001. Dva progrebenija Vv. do n.e. iz Predkavkazja,
in M.P. Abramova & V.I. Markovin (eds.),
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Recent Investigations of the Ulski Kurgans65
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Orphic Thrace and Achaemenid Persia
Diana Gergova
The issues concerning the areas in which the Achaemenid presence in the
amongst researchers. Abundant archaeological material and, even more, the
examples of toreutics discovered south of the River Danube, as well as various
man 2000; Tacheva 2000; Jordanov 2002; Megaw & Ruth 2002; Jordanov 2003;
intertwines with the Scythian one in his discourse, Herodotos
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Diana Gergova
68
hyparchoi
, the subjected coastal Thracian lands became the European satrapy
of Dareios, which included the coast of Propontus, the Thracian Chersoneses,
the coast of north Aegis with the lower reaches of Nestus-Strymon, as well
as the southern parts of Paeonia ( acheva 2000; Jordanov 2003; Tacheva 2006,
12-14).
The reliefs from the Apadana in Persepolis are considered to be evidence
for the existence of a satrapy of Skudra in Europe. Thracians are among the
names of the peoples within the Achaemenid Empire listed in the royal in-
scription from Susa, and in the relief on Dareios tomb at Naqsh-i Rustam (no.
25 on Fig. 1 corresponds to Skudra). One of the figures with
, two
spears and
akinakes
is armed in a typical way for both the local command-
ers in the Thraco-Macedonian-Paeonian zone and for the Odrysae from the
Mycenean Age onwards ( acheva 2006, 12-13) (Fig. 1).
The Odrysae created the first state among the Thracian tribes. Its forma-
tion took place at the end of the sixth century BC, during the period of Ach-
aemenid presence in the Balkans, which might, in fact, have been one of the
middle reaches of the Maritsa river, to the east of the Tundja river and to the
The lack of reports from Herodotos on the military successes of Dareios in
and water (i.e. for voluntarily submission) has given grounds for certain
Fig. 1. The relief from
the tomb of Dareios I at
Naqsh-i Rustam, where
no. 25 corresponds to
Skudra.
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Orphic Thrace and Achaemenid Persia69
investigators to assume that diplomatic relations, totally natural at that time,
nastic Thraco-Persian marriage. Thus, Odrysian state independence was safe-
guarded, as was the prestige of Dareios, and the Persian troops were allowed
to pass peacefully to the north. This was probably the reason why Dareios,
by his order, instead of a royal inscription. Odrysian men were also not mo-
bilized in his army (Tacheva 2006, 25).
Some archaeological finds from Odrysian lands are related to these specific
aspects of Odrysian-Achaemenid relations.
It was in this period that rich burials under very high tumuli first appeared
ern origin. The three highest tumuli in the Odrysian necropolis of the Teres
dynasty near Duvanli, in the Plovdiv region the Koukova, Mushovitsa and
Arabadjiska mounds belonged to women, demonstrating an extraordinary
status that expresses a degree of parity with, or even superiority over, their
168). The graves in the Koukova and Mushovitsa mounds, dated before the
ellery, silver and bronze vessels, one of the best pieces of Achaemenid art an
Fig. 2. Map of Thrace and the Odrysian territories.
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deep bowl of Achaemenid type (Archibald 1998, 167). The amphora could be
considered as a symbol of Thraco-Persian diplomatic relations and dynastic
marriage, unknown from the written sources (Tacheva 2000; Tacheva 2006,
25) (Fig. 3).
The phialae from Daskal Atanasovo village, dated to the end of sixth to
the fifth century BC, of open lotus form with high omphalos, are consid-
ered by some authors to be of purely Achaemenid origin (Nikolov 1961, 193;
Marazov 1989; Valeva 2008), while others notice only strong eastern connec-
tions (Archibald 1998, 177). They seem to be another expression of the early
the Odrysae, it was precisely at this time that the names of rulers containing
the Indo-Iranian suffix dokos/tokos and which are thus regarded to be of
first appeared in the Odrysian royal family (Vlahov 1966, 305). Presumably
these names had a political character. Bearing in mind the existing practice
of polygamy and the customary practice of political marriages, it has been
assumed that, most probably, one of the wives of Teres I, the founder of the
Odrysian state, was of eastern origin. A similar practice can also be identified
in Odrysian-Scythian relations. When Teres gave his daughter to the Scythian
king Ariapeites, his son was given the Scythian-Odrysian name Oktamasades,
while a ring in one of the rich male burials in Duvanli belonged to Skythodo-
kus most probably a son of eres from his marriage to a Scythian princess
(Tacheva 2006, 24-27).
Fig. 3. The Achaemenid amphora
from Kukuva mogila, Duvanli in
the Plovdiv area.
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Orphic Thrace and Achaemenid Persia71
Numerous examples of toreutics discovered in the territory of Bulgaria
and dated from the end of sixth to the end of the fourth century BC show
tableware, evidently increased during the period of the Persian presence, but
most probably also as a result of greater demand from the Odrysian court
and the Thracian aristocracy. The number of imported vessels, which were
probably
xenoi
, among them is relatively small and decreased further in the
fourth century BC (Archibald 1998, 267).
Increasing in number every year, the remarkable silver vessels from Bul-
vessels in Thrace consists of Achaemenid or Achaemenid-inspired drinking
cups, beakers and bowls, more numerous than those originating from Greece.
Greek mainland and the Thracian Aegean coast around the turn of the sixth
century BC. However, it has been noticed that the merging of the Achaemenid
and Greek traditions and the coexistence of distinctive Greek and Achaemenid
Fig. 4a, b. The Rogozen Treasure.
Fig. 4c. Phialae 42 with the incised name of Kotys
and an additional decoration on the omphalos.
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The samples from within the Odrysian Kingdom, in view of the quan-
tity of circulating silverware, indicate that there was probably enough work
for several local workshops operating full time. These workshops, however,
also developed and applied some decorative schemes of local and Mediter-
faces and floral ornaments discovered in Thrace on phialae and skyphoi from
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Orphic Thrace and Achaemenid Persia73
so Herodotos says, the mysteries, which were called after him
treskeia
. The ar-
aries found at strategic and picturesque locations at the end of the Bronze Age
and the beginning of the Iron Age, the appearance of tumuli all over Thracian
territory, the formation of huge cult-burial complexes and the beginning of the
Iron Age (Gergova 1988a; Gergova 2005; Gergova 2007).
Four categories of ritually buried hoards have been clearly distinguished …
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beginning of the Iron Age, the golden treasure from Valchitran from the ninth
century BC, the silver treasures of jewellery and vessels, horse harnesses and
from the fifth to the fourth century BC (Gergova 1987; Gergova 1988a) and, in
particular, the collection of silver vessels from Rogozen in the Vratza region
discovered in 1986 (Rogozen 1988).
he Rogozen Treasure, found in northwest Bulgaria in 1986, consists of 165
and a kotyle), 54 jugs and 108 phialae, dated from the end of the sixth and
beginning of the fifth to the middle of the fourth century BC. It was buried
in two parts, the first one consisting of 100 vessels and the second of 65 ves-
the numbers of vessels, their shapes and iconographic language produces a
ciples of the definite religious system which lay behind it (Rogozen 1988;
Gergova 1988b; Gergova 1990, 113) (Fig. 4).
The origins of the vessels are both local and imported. Some of the ves-
sels show a secondary use, such as phiale 42 of Persian origin which has an
inscription of the Thracian name Kotys and n image of Apollo soldered on
to the omphalos of the phiale (Marazov 1989, 27) (Fig. 4a). Archibald consid-
ers that the Rogozen find illustrates an artistic phase in Thrace during which
Persian and Greek influences were on a par, when the local Persian rulers of
Anatolia and the Odrysae vied in their patronage of eminent craftsmen and
The names of several Thracian kings from the fifth century BC, including
the find, but, in the context of the phenomenon of the Thracian treasures as
triad of the Mother Goddess, Artemis and Apollo. The inclusion of the name
of the Thracian prince Satokos, who was given Athenian citizenship, suggests
a political connection to this event (Gergova 1988a; Gergova 1988b).
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Orphic Thrace and Achaemenid Persia75
Along with its uniqueness, the Rogozen Treasure is of considerable inter-
est in two further ways. In the first place there is the fact that it had much
earlier predecessors in Thrace, testifying to the deep-rooted local tradition of
of the Oxus Treasure the most important surviving collection of Achaemenid
Fig. 6. The bowls from
the Oxus treasure.
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he late Bronze Age find from Susani, Romania (Stratan &Vulpe 1977)
consists of more than 213 cups and bowls dated to the 11th century BC, which
were buried under a tumulus without human bones. They were divided into
ten groups. Two special vessels were constructed of three phalerae and of three
different vessels each. The lack of human bones and the great number of clay
vessels, including 100 in a ritual pit surrounded by wheat grains, suggest that
cult ceremony (Fig. 5).
Another collection from a tumulus near Ta lcabir in European Turkey,
which is similar and synchronous to the Susani find, has been published. The
find of 53 clay vessels was divided into two main groups, and included a type
(zdoan 1987).
However, the most striking parallel to the Rogozen Treasure can be found
in the recently published Bactrian treasure, which is considered to be an-
other part of the famous Oxus Treasure (Pichikyan 2002; Treasures 2002). This
treasure includes vessels, a gold scabbard, model chariots and figures, seals,
jewellery and miscellaneous personal objects, dedicatory plaques and coins
gean to Afghanistan and the Indus valley, and when the typical style, which is
generally called Graeco-Persian, was found dispersed throughout the Empire
a long period, perhaps as a Zoroastrian temple treasure (Secunda 2002, 203).
first one consists of 18 goldn phialae, a pyxis with a lid, an insence burner
and two ladles, dated to the sixth to the fourth century BC (Treasures 2002,
nos. 123-144). Of special interest are the silver vessels with gilt, which form a
ment of the temple utensils, bowls, a kotyle and several rhyta (Treasures
2002, nos. 97-122).
The majority of the vessels present exceptional propinquity to the Rogozen
from Oxus are of particular interest. They have a specific biconical shape, a
pointed base and a vertical neck (nos. 104, 103, 106, 109, 110) (Treasures 2002,
Fig. 7. The Belene bowl.
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Orphic Thrace and Achaemenid Persia77
ances or with narrow framed arches each fitted with a protruding male head
in the top of an arch (no. 109) (Treasures 2002, 244.) (Fig. 6).
The above-mentioned deep bowls are very similar in shape to several early
Fig. 8. Phialae nos. 99 and 100 from
Rogozen decorated with human heads and
the skyphos from Strelcha.
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golden vessels from Thrace. The bowl from Belene (Marazov 1998, 202) (Fig. 7),
decorated with bosses and chanelling, and that from Kazichene, with incised
and chanelled decoration (Marazov 1998, 233), indicate, on the one hand,
deep-rooted traditions in late Bronze Age pottery and, on the other hand, the
existence of a similar style of decoration in the Thracian lands already at the
beginning of the early Iron Age (11th to ninth century BC).
Decoration incorporating the depiction of human heads or those of mytho-
logical creatures was also widespread in the Mediterranean area and was ex-
tremely popular on golden and silver bowls and phialae in Thrace. Among the
examples that should be mentioned are phialae nos. 99 and 100 from Rogozen,
bowl from Loukovit and the golden phiale decorated with negro heads from
the Panagyurishte Treasure. Female heads also decorate the skyphos from
Strelcha. It is accepted that they symbolize the Mother Goddess the major
figure in Thracian religious beliefs (Valeva 2006, 28, fig. 28).
The ornaments on the bottom of the kotyle from Oxus (Fig. 9), a gilded
ornamentation of alternating bucrania and mussel shells, show a similarity to
both the bucrania and acorn decoration on phialae nos. 94, 95 from Rogozen
(Fig. 10), and vessels of this type have been produced in Thrace too (Tonkova
1994; Valeva 2006, 27). The golden mussel-shaped vessel from the tumulus of
Goliama Kosmatka, where a symbolic burial of the Thracian king Seuthes 
was discovered by G. Kitov, indicates the popularity of the shape in Thrace
in the Hellenistic period (Fig. 11).
each with protomes of a horse and a mix of Persian and Greek iconographic
elements and stylistic devices. The resemblance gives ground to assume that
both works may have been created by the same workshop (Ivanov 1980; Trea-
sures 2002, nos. 116, 245) and to presume a larger production of such luxury
items (Valeva 2008, 14-15, figs.16, 17) (Fig. 12a, 12b).
Fig. 9. The kotyle from Oxus.
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Orphic Thrace and Achaemenid Persia79
The short type of rhyta in the shape of different animals heads, which
no. 19; Valeva 2008, 20-24) also indicate the utilization of common types, and
they may be products of one and the same workshop.
It is worth mentioning that among the published objects from Oxus
(Treasures 2002, nos. 204, 205) there can be found other, small objects that
are almost identical to examples found widespread throughout Thrace,
such as golden ornaments, attached most probably to a veil, human heads
fourth centuries BC, for example the finds from Mogilanska mogila, grave
1983; Torbov 2005, 187, 191) (Fig. 13). These small objects seem to support
the Bactrian monuments.
to other objects of Thracian toreutics, raises the question about the origin
of the vessels from Oxus, which, according to the investigators, look more
Hellenistic as a whole than those discovered earlier. The suggestion of the
activity of workshops whose products could have been distributed across such
Fig. 10. Phialae nos. 94 and 95 with bulls heads
from Rogozen.
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80
Fig. 12. The rhyta with horse protomes from Oxus and Borovo.
Fig. 11. The shell vessel from Shipka.
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Orphic Thrace and Achaemenid Persia81
a wide area, especially in the turbulent period of Graeco-Thraco-Acaemenid
relationships, raises the question of their localization.
The great number of gold and silver treasures and jewellery from the terri-
tory of Thrace, starting at the end of the second millennium BC, suggests the
use of the local gold and silver mines in the Balkan-Carpathian area for the
production of precious pieces of adornment, weapons and religious utensils
(Tonkova 1994, 214, map 2).
The activity of some workshops can be localized to Thrace already in the
seventh century BC, but the numerous instruments and the stamps used for
mostly from the fifth to fourth century BC and testify to the functioning of
Fig. 13. Golden ornaments for a veil and human heads for horse harnesses from Vraca,
Targovishte and Oxus.
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82
local workshops, particularly in northeast Thrace, but also to the south of
Haemus. A rich collection of tools, matrices, articles and waste testifies to
(Tonkova 1994) (Figs. 14, 15).
The present study aimed to trace the level of influence of imperial Ach-
aemenid culture upon the court and religious ceremonial life of Thrace, and
especially upon the conduct of the founders of the first Thracian state the
Odrysians.
influenced only the production of the Thracian workshops which participated
actively in the formation of the so-called Graeco-Persian style. Another reason
religious and ideological notions of Thrace and Iran, as Marazov has under-
Sboryanovo).
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Diana Gergova
Agre, D. 2006a. La tomba del Sovrano a Malomirovo-Zlatinitsa, in: L. del
Tesori della Bulgaria
Agre, D. 2006b. Royal grave from the mid-4
century BC from a tumulus near
the village of Malomirovo-Zlatinitsa, Yambol region, in: P. Ilieva & M.
Thracian Treasures from Bulgaria
Balcer, J.M. 1988. Persian Occupied Thrace (Skudra),
37/1, 1-21.
Persia and the West: An Archaeological Investigation of the
Filow, B., I. Welkow & V. Mikow 1934.
Die Grabhugelnekropole bei Duvanlij in
Gergova, D. 1987. The Thracian treasures and the myth of Hyperboreans
(Trakijskite skrovia i chiperborejckijat mit) Blgarskite zemi b drevnostta.
c
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3
Orphic Thrace and Achaemenid Persia85
Jordanov, K. 2002. Les états des Thraces jusquau Ve s. av. J.-C., in:
national Congress of Thracology. Thrace and the Aegean. Vol. 1
Jordanov, K. 2003. Achaemenido-Thracica. Essay for political and administra-
tive control (515-466 BC) (opiti za politieski i administrativen kontrol (ok
515-466 g.pr.Chr.) Istorija 5,21-34.
Kalojanov, S. 1988. Thraco-Persica. Thrace and the Achaemenids 6th-4th cen-
4, 82-87.
Kitov, G., D. Dimitrov & N. Sirakov 2008. Thracian tumuli in the Sliven area,
Archeological Discoveries and Excavations in 2007
. Sofia, 245-250 (Trakij-
ski mogili v slivensko, in: Archeologieski otkritija i razkopki prez 2007).
c
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Valeva, J. 2006. Gold and silver vessels from ancient Thrace. Part I. Phialae,
c
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A Silver Rhyton with a Representation
of a Winged Ibex from the Fourth
Semibratniy Tumulus
Vladimir Goroncharovskij
rectly or implicitly related by their provenance to the Achaemenid state are
fairly uncommon. Almost without exception, when found these are objects
of prestige, particularly cylindrical seals and carved stones of the fifth to the
ever, also a rare example of toreutic work … a huge silver rhyton from the
fourth Semibratnee (Seven Brothers) tumulus … one of a well-known group
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Vladimir Goroncharovskij
88
worthy is the gracefully bent horn of the rhyton with broad horizontal flutes
paralleled in Iranian art. The goat figure is rendered with the forelegs bent
beneath the body, but the main attention of the artisan was focused on the
head. The latter is separated from the neck by peculiar whiskers divided by
parallel deep depressions. The eyes and eyebrows above them are represented
in a stylized form. Beneath the eyes there are similar thin arc-like ledges re-
flecting the aspiration of the craftsman to render the head plastically within
a single decorative scheme. The nostrils and mouth are clearly outlined, as
eyes, the mane is shown schematically in bulging relief lines, as on many Ira-
nian rhyta (Marazov 1978, 54). Another motif typical of Achaemenid art is the
suggests a provenance in a region tied closely with the traditions followed by
ancient Persian craftsmen. In this case, the traditional Indo-European image of
a winged goat as a zoomorphic symbol of lightning and thunder must have
complied with the tastes of the semi-nomadic Sindian elite.
It is difficult to judge how this precious object could have come to a Sin-
dian ruler: as a trophy, a diplomatic gift or through trade (cf. Kisel 1995, 44).
However, it cannot be ruled out that it was simply included in the number
of offerings regularly received by the king from the town situated 3km east
of the Semibratniy barrows and which existed simultaneously with the lat-
Fig. 1. Excavations of the Semibratnie
(Seven Brothers) barrows. Lithograph of
1875.
Fig. 2. Silver rhyton with the figure of a winged
goat from the fourth Semibratniy tumulus.
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A Silver Rhyton89
ter. Only about 20 years ago, this town restored its historical name of Labrys;
previously it was called Semibratnee urban site. It seems that the particular
objects brought to Sindike were selected so as to correspond to scenes of fine
art to which their new owners were accustomed, since they were acquainted
with images of Scythian and Iranian mythology. In this respect, two golden
rhyta, which were manufactured by Greek craftsmen and found close to the
silver one, are of interest. One of these was tipped with a rams head, the other
one with the forepart of a dog. The upper parts of the rhyta, which were made
of horn, are not preserved, but five triangular plates with rounded corners
remain, and two of them, in their style and scenes, are considerably closer to
Iranian traditions than to Greek ones. It cannot be ruled out that these plates,
dismounted from some Achaemenid object which had become worthless, were
used as an example for similar ornamentations and afterwards, secondarily,
for decoration of a vessel copying the original prototype. On one, there is a
lion tearing a deer (Fig. 4.1), on the other a senmurv (Artamonov 1966, 37): a
sharp-toothed, winged dog with a tail in the form of birds heads (Fig. 4.2).
In these two cases we see the characteristic flatness of the figures and spiral
volutes, while of note for the senmurv are the same whiskers and beard as
on the winged ibex of the silver rhyton.
What was Labrys during the period when the independent Sindian King-
dom existed and the Semibratnee kurgans were constructed? The first exca-
vations of the townsite, 28km northeast of the city of Anapa, were conducted
by Vladimir G. Tiezenhausen as early as 1878, soon after he had finished his
investigation of the nearby kurgans. Trenches sunk at the edges of the townsite
revealed the remains of defensive structures about 3.2m high. However, the
director of the excavations put forward no suppositions concerning their date,
except to mention that a handle of a stamped Greek amphora and a corroded
copper, probably Bosporan, coin were found during the excavations (OAK
1878-1879, 8-9). Regular investigations began there only 60 years later. These
of a winged goat.
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Vladimir Goroncharovskij
90
were conducted during nine field seasons until 1955 by an expedition under
Nikita V. Anfimov from the Krasnodar Museum of History and Regional Stud-
ies (Anfimov 1941, 258-267; Anfimov 1951, 238-244; Anfimov 1953, 99-111). It
was established that the total thickness of the cultural deposits at the townsite
extended to 3.3m. On the basis of the evidence yielded by excavations in the
northern area, Anfimov dated these deposits as follows.
He dated the most ancient layer to the late sixth to the fifth century BC,
and to that layer he attributed the remains of a defensive wall, 2.4-2.45m
thick, of the early fifth century BC with rectangular towers at intervals of
15-18m. Supposing that the town was in the earlier stages of its existence,
connected closely with the history of the Sindian Kingdom, Anfimov had no
doubt that its appearance resulted from the rapid social and economical ad-
vances of the Sinds (cf. elov-Kovedjaev 1985, 132-133), who had proved to
be close neighbours of the Greek
apoikai
of the Cimmerian Bosporos. Accord-
ing to Anfimov, a thick ashy layer formed by fires and destruction dates to
the beginning of the fourth century BC and was possibly connected with the
war-like events in Sindike known from Polyens story about the Sindian king
Hekataios and his Maiotian queen Tirgatao (Polyen 8.55). Anfimov further
supposed that at the end of the same century another devastation of Labrys
and the final annihilation of its earlier defences took place. The third building
period was dated to the late fourth to the first half of the third century BC
and the last one in the history of the town to the second half of the third to
the early second century BC. At the end of the first century BC, when the city
Fig. 4. Mounts decorating the edge of the horn part of the golden rhyton: 1 depiction of a
lion tearing a deer; 2 depiction of a senmurv.
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A Silver Rhyton91
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Vladimir Goroncharovskij
townsite. The oldest fragments of amphorae and painted ware yield one and
the same date … not earlier than the very beginning of the fifth century BC
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A Silver Rhyton93
urban territory here was occupied from the second quarter of the fifth cen-
tury BC. The walls of the tower had a three-part structure with two armour
faces constructed of coarsely hewn flattened blocks of limestone. The inter-
rubble. The internal room probably served to house standing guards over the
entrance to the city. The long-term presence of people here is suggested by a
baked spot from a two-chambered rectangular fireplace measuring 0.6m by
0.55m which is preserved on the adobe floor in the southwestern corner of the
tower. Above the level of the foundation of the fireplace, ashy intercalations
up to 0.37m thick were noted. These layers, along with pieces of charcoal and
fired bones of domestic animals, contained mussel shells and sturgeon scutes.
Broken wares used for cooking and domestic refuse were thrown out over
staircase was 5.4m long and about 2m wide. The four lower footsteps showed
an incline at an angle of 30 suggesting that the exit onto the upper platform
of the gate-tower was at a height of about 3.5m. Its masonry was irregular
with the limestone blocks laid flat and measuring on the face from 0.16m by
Fig. 5. Foundation of the staircase and gate-tower of the fifth century BC (view from the
south).
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Vladimir Goroncharovskij
0.1m up to 0.92m by 0.16m. An analogous original construction, with a rather
low gate-tower and adjacent staircase, is known only in the defensive wall
founded in the fifth century BC in Thrace on
a riverbank more than 300km inland from the sea (Domaradzki 1996, 18-19,
further though. Indeed, the gate in its defensive wall had on the outer side
only one tower to which the assaulters would have to turn with their sides
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A Silver Rhyton95
subjects sporadic gifts of expensive weapons, adornments and luxury objects,
and later a fixed tribute in gold and silver (cf. Zlatkovskaja 1971, 127).
had the right to take away from or to grant to somebody lands, pastures or a
to take away any other possessions of the
s inhabitants, to leave a
garrison in the city, to raise road duties and, finally, to arrest or put to death
any person. Thus the inscription attests that at the earlier stage of the towns
existence the Thracian rulers were considered as the supreme owners of the
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96
Anfimov, she noted that the majority of the finds is dated from the fifth
century BC and that among them we encounter very refined ware painted
by the best Attic artists, while typologically the examples available are close
to those characteristic of the urban centres of the Bosporos (Vdovienko 2006,
35). Analysis of the finds from the recent excavations shows the following
situation for the fifth century BC: they include fairly considerable amounts of
fragmentary black-glazed and painted pottery (up to 7.5 % of the entire col-
$', as well as broken shells of mussels that were traditionally present in the
that up to 24 % of the ceramic assemblage (again without taking amphorae
into account) are made up of fragments of handmade vessels.
6
Subsequently,
in the late fifth to the first quarter of the fourth century BC, the situation
changed drastically: the portion of handmade pottery decreases to 16 %, that
of the black-glazed and painted pottery increases sharply to 30 %.
Serious ordeals befell Labrys not later than the beginning of the 360s BC,
when its defences were demolished. The ashy layer in Excavation Area I,
with its inclusions of charcoal, is probably related to these events, which, in
layer frequently yielded rounded sea pebbles, which may have been used as
sling shots. At the same level, 12m to the west of the defensive wall, a lenti-
form lead sling-shot weighing 55.6g was found.
7
Later, possibly after Labrys
and the Sindian lands became part of the Bosporos Kingdom, the remains of
the old fortifications were used as the foundations for a new defensive line
(Fig. 6).
8
The gate-tower with staircase then came to be unnecessary and was
dismantled. In the course of clearing the eastern edge of Excavation I, the in-
ternal face of the defensive wall of the fourth century BC was uncovered to a
length of 5.3m and it was preserved here to a height of 1.6m. Certain grounds
for its dating were yielded by an ancient pit sunk from the level of its foot.
The pit contained the necks of Heraclean amphorae bearing examples of the
Fig. 6. Staircase
of the fifth cen-
tury BC with
the defensive
wall of the
fourth century
BC erected over
it.
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A Silver Rhyton97
future the archaeological studies of Labrys will yield essentially new infor-
on the development of Sindike in the fifth to fourth century BC.
1 Anna S. Rusjaeva supposed earlier that Labrys may have been founded by Bospo-
ran Greeks in the Sindian territory under the aegis of Phoebus Apollo (Rusjaeva
2003, 225-230). Anyway, judging by the dedication of Leukon I, at least by the time
of the events described in it, Phoebus Apollo was already the divine protector
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A Silver Rhyton99
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Kryžickij, S.D. 2006. O kriterijach prisutstvija varvarov v sostave naselenija
rannej Olvii, in: D.V. Zhuravlev (ed.),
antinosti i srednevekovja
. Moscow, 233-235.
Marazov, I. 1978.
Ritonite v drevna Trakija
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Valle, G. 1973. La colonization greque en Occident, in: I.S. Chichurov (ed.),
Doklady XIII MKIN. Vol. I, Part 3
. Moscow, 54-68.
Solovev (ed.),
Greki i varvary na Bospore Kimmerijskom VII-I vv. do n.e
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Tatiana N. Smekalova
104
the tilling. The area surveyed by the German group is marked by a dotted line
the German geophysicists were not able to record any measurements in the
deeply ploughed site because it was impossible to move the trolley with the
sensors across the field.
cated. Therefore, we had to abandon the highly productive multi-sensor sys-
tem fixed on a two-wheeled cart, which is usually employed in fields, and to
conduct instead sensing by means of runs with a single transportable sensor;
of the same type was mounted in the zone of the normal field in order to
take control-point measurements. These reference data were afterwards used
the spatial measurements. At the site, a coordinate grid was fixed. Initially it
was oriented to the cardinal points (in 2006), but afterwards was redirected
Fig. 1. Map of 1909-1910 at half-verst scale (1:21000) from the Joint Staff of the Red Army,
showing surroundings of the Semibratnee townsite (1) and Semibratnee kurgans (2).
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along the boundary of the forest belt in order to cover the maximum area of
the site (in 2007-2008). The measurements were taken at intervals of 0.5m be-
tween the lines and of 0.25-0.3m along the lines. The elevation of the sensor
was maintained at 0.3m above the surface.
average 40 nT) is distinguished in the form of three sides of a trapezium sur-
rounding the entire section of the site (Fig. 4). The width of the base of this
trapezium is about 198m, the lengths of the lateral sides are approximately
100-130m and the angle formed by the lateral sides to the southern one is
the ditch surrounding the southern part of the townsite. Particularly notable
Fig. 2. Reconnaissance of 1930 of the 1909-1910 map in the region of the Semibratnee
townsite (1) and Semibratnee kurgans (2).
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Tatiana N. Smekalova
106
are three areas of thickening with corresponding increases of intensity of the
anomaly. These three areas,
viz
. the southern, eastern and western, may have
been three gates defended by towers.
of the aerial photo it is particularly striking that the defensive wall around the
southern part of the townsite, which in the aerial photo looks almost square,
is surrounded by a ditch of a strange trapezoid shape. Possibly, this inconsist-
by the presence of two corner towers in the southern area of the defensive
Fig. 3. Aerial photograph of 1959 showing the Semibratnee townsite.
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wall which are outflanked by the ditch by a fairly considerable distance. In
veys since they reflect more precisely the real situation. Future excavations
may confirm or define more exactly this hypothesis.
B stone building consisting of two rooms; C large rectangular structure opposite the
in 2006. Used as the background is the topographic plan of the townsite (S.G. Popov 2001,
topographic plan: 1 forest plantation; 2 arable field; 3 irrigation canal; 4 excavations
of 1938-1955; 5 excavations of 2001-2006; 6 robber excavations; 7 topographic refer-
ence points.
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Tatiana N. Smekalova
ably, at some stage during the occupation of the site, a bank was constructed
beyond the ditch and walls were erected over it. The walls were constructed
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A Persian Propyleion in Azerbaijan
Excavations at Karacamirli
Since the summer of 2006, archaeological excavations have been carried out
at Karacamirli in western Azerbaijan (Fig. 1).
While the chance find of a
Kura river, already at the end of the first season it had become clear that a
monumental building of the Achaemenid period had once been erected on
Ideal Tepe, a small mound approximately 200m north of the find-spot of the
above-mentioned column base.
By the end of the second campaign in 2007 we had uncovered a huge
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Florian Knauss, Iulon Gagoshidze & Ilias Babaev
112
The outer walls are almost 1.5m (four bricks) thick, whereas the inner walls
measure a little more than 1m (three bricks) in width. The building lacks any
ornamentation by means of pilasters and niches, which is characteristic of
many Achaemenid structures. A conspicuous mud-brick construction might
indicate that there was once a staircase or a kind of podium in the room in the
southwestern corner of the building.
3
At the most, four layers of mud-bricks,
34cm by 34cm and 12cm thick.
4
The use of half-bricks facilitated the bonding
of the bricks. In cases of uncertainty, a pebblestone foundation, serving as a
drainage system, clearly showed us the run of the walls.
5
Fig. 2. Plan of the propyleion on Ideal Tepe. Excavated walls are shown in light grey, recon-
structed parts are dark grey, bases in situ are blue, the positions of the remaining bases are
encircled.
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A Persian Propyleion in Azerbaijan113
We can only guess the former height of the building. However, inferring
was a monumental gate, a propyleion, a conjecture further supported by the
fact that two corresponding walls join the building from the north and south
From the beginning, it was clear that this monument had been erected
in Achaemenid times due to the characteristic pieces of architectural sculp-
ture (Figs. 3-4). Bell-shaped column bases of the type found are exclusively
known from this period and from within the Persian Empire.
Outside the
They appear in Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan, but nowhere else within
or beyond the borders of the vast Persian Empire. Such column bases and
tural ornamentation and the use of mud-bricks of regular size prove that this
and craftsmen who were familiar with Achaemenid architecture. A compari-
they were both executed in the same workshop. Good limestone quarries are
easily accessible on the banks of the Kura river, not far from the modern city
of Shamkir. It was no problem to transport them from here to Gumbati fol-
lowing the Kura and Alazani rivers. Before the arrival of the Persians in the
According to the scarce archaeological evidence, the
material culture in neighbouring western Azerbaijan in the second quarter of
the first millennium BC was almost identical.
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Florian Knauss, Iulon Gagoshidze & Ilias Babaev
114
In trying to date Achaemenid art and architecture by stylistic means we
mid-fifth to the late fourth century BC (Fig. 5).
15
However, the building may
have been founded earlier. For historical reasons, we should expect that the
propyleion had been erected not too long after the Persians had conquered
this region in the late sixth century BC, probably in the course of the campaign
of Dareios I against the Scythians in 513/512 BC.
16
The site was probably abandoned when the Empire fell apart following
the assault of Alexander the Great. Since we have no evidence for a violent
destruction at the end of the Achaemenid occupation,
17
it may be that the
Persians took their goods and chattels and went home when they received
notice of the final defeat of their army and of the death of their Great King,
i.e. around 330 BC.
peasants or herdsmen sought shelter in this building. After some years, the
central part collapsed and was never rebuilt, but an oven, fire places, pits,
grain deposits and pottery in the side rooms tell us that life went on there
for quite a while. In particular, the painted pottery, which has been found in
significant quantities, helps us to fix a date for this post-Achaemenid level
in the late fourth or early third century BC;
18
so far, parallels exist only in
eastern Georgia. The central hypostyle part of the building had not been re-
Fig. 3. Column base.
Fig. 4. Reconstruction of a column base.
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A Persian Propyleion in Azerbaijan115
Fig. 5. Pottery from the Achaemenid levels.
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116
paired when it collapsed probably, with a width of more than 11m, it was
too wide for the later inhabitants and they had no use for such a large room.
However, in the side rooms fragments of roof tiles
19
allow us to assume that
some rooms might have received new tiled roofs after a while.
The existence of a monumental propyleion with joining temenos walls is
striking evidence that there was once an important Achaemenid residence at
Karacamirli. This main building a temple or, rather, a palace of a Persian
chief magistrate was most probably situated on Absinth Tepe, a flat mound
just 200m west of the propyleion. The view from the east through the suite of
columned halls points exactly to the top of this tepe (Fig. 6). Here, irregular
pits dug by local peasants brought to light mud-bricks as well as a number
of limestone fragments and Iron Age pottery.
More limestone fragments and lots of late Iron Age pottery have been
found on a third mound 550m southeast
20
as well as at another spot 300m
north of Ideal Tepe. Finally, we found large fragments of three column bases of
of the propyleion (Fig. 7). Their shape is similar to that of the bases from the
sculpted ornamentation and their surface was smooth, probably painted.
21
Fig. 6. View of Ideal Tepe from the east, Absinth Tepe in the background.
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A Persian Propyleion in Azerbaijan117
Judging from the archaeological evidence, there was once a spacious ar-
chitectural ensemble at Karacamirli in Achaemenid times.
22
Even these pre-
liminary results give ample proof that the site was definitely of a higher rank
than those Achaemenid building complexes already known from Sari Tepe,
23

80km to the west, and from Gumbati, about 70km to the north.
24
The number of Achaemenid remains in Caucasia, in architecture as well
as in the minor arts, is very impressive.
25
However, while Achaemenid golden
political gifts for the indigenous aristocracy from a mighty neighbour, pro-
pyleia, palaces and temples of a distinctive Persian type which have no fore-
runners at all in this region prove that the Caucasus was part of the Persian
Empire, at least up to the Surami ridge which divides Colchis and Iberia.
However, even in rainy Colchis, in Sairkhe and in Vani, strong Achaemenid
the rich burials.
26
The propyleion is a Greek invention. Of course, there are lots of impres-
sive monumental gate-houses in Near Eastern and Egyptian architecture, but
they are part of city or fortification walls, whereas the Greek propyleion is a
building in its own right, without military importance. The intended purpose
of the Greek propyleion was to form an impressive, well-adorned entrance
to an architectural complex, usually of a sanctuary. From the Greeks, the Per-
sians adopted the idea of the propyleion already during the reign of Cyrus the
Great. There are different types of propyleia at Pasargadae and Susa, as well
as on the great terrace at Persepolis.
27
The closest analogy for the ground-plan
of the propyleion at Karacamirli is the so-called Central Building, with its
central hall,
28
two porticoes and narrow side rooms (Fig. 8), which has been
erected during the reign of Xerxes and Artaxerxes I. As in Azerbaijan, there
Whereas the purpose of the Central Building at Persepolis was to divide
the visitors and to lead them in different directions, at Karacamirli the visi-
tors walking through the propyleion probably just entered a courtyard or a
garden similar to the situation in Pasargadae.
Fig. 7. Fragment of a column base from
Daraya Takh.
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Florian Knauss, Iulon Gagoshidze & Ilias Babaev
118
Karacamirli is situated in a remote part of the Empire. Of course, similar
structures from satrapal residences, rather than buildings from Persian capi-
tals, would be the most adequate comparisons for the propyleion on Ideal
Tepe. However, our archaeological knowledge of such minor Achaemenid
29
Achaemenid models had a significant impact on Caucasian art and architec-
ture, even in Hellenistic times and especially in the Kingdom of Iberia (central
Fig. 8. The Central Building at Persepolis.
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A Persian Propyleion in Azerbaijan119
However, not before the late second century BC do we
huge sanctuary of Dedoplis Mindori there was a Zoroastrian fire temple in a
sacred precinct, enclosed by a temenos wall measuring approximately 180m by
Two propyleia in the east and in the west of a square courtyard formed
the impressive entrance to the sanctuary. They remind us of the propyleion
at Karacamirli, insofar as they also have a deep hall at the outside with four
columns and a small one with only two columns. However, here the great hall
is on the outside, whereas in Karacamirli the inner (western) portico is twice
Mindori lack a third central hall as well as side rooms. The latter elements can
and, towards the courtyard, a small iwan-like chamber with two columns.
Karacamirli fills a gap in our knowledge of life under the Achaemenids in
this area. It shows us that, even at the periphery of the Empire, Persian rule
left its grandiose mark. The Achaemenid era was a major turning point in the
history of Georgia and Azerbaijan.
1 Preliminary reports on the first campaign in 2006 have been published: Babaev
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120
10 Knauß 1999a, 180-181; Knauss 2006a, 92, fig. 13. Recently, a miniature double-bull
protome capital of similar form has been found at Vani (Kacharava & Kvirkvelia
2008, 66) in a context of the first half of the fourth century BC (Guram Kvirkvelia,
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A Persian Propyleion in Azerbaijan121
29 Although excavations have been carried out at Daskyleion, Sardis and
Meydancškkale, we have mainly literary evidence for the satrapal residences of
Asia Minor. The situation is similar in other parts of the Empire; cf. Nielsen 1994,
30 Knauss 2006a, 107-114.
31 Cf. Gagoshidze 1992, 27-48; Knauss 2006a, 103-107; Furtwängler & Gagoshidze
32 Gagoshidze 1996, esp. 136.
Babaev, I., I . Gagoshidze & F. Knauss 2007. An Achaemenid palaceŽ at Qa-
rajamirli (Azerbaijan). Preliminary report on the excavations in 2006, in:
A. Ivantchik & V. Licheli (eds.),
Achaemenid Culture and Local Traditions in
(AncCivScytSib 13/1-2, special issue).
Babaev, I., I. Gagoidze & F. Knauß 2008. Ein Per serbau in Azerbaijdžan. Aus-
grabung auf dem Ideal Tepe bei Karaamirli 2006,
38 (2006), 291-330.
Curtis, J. 2005. The Archaeology of the Achaemenid Period, in: Curtis & Tal-
Curtis, J. & Sh. Razmjov, The Palace, in: Curtis & Tallis (eds.) 2005, 50-55.
Curtis, J. & N. Tallis (eds.) 2005.
Forgotten Empire. The World of Ancient Persia
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Knauß, F. 1999b. Achämeniden in Transkaukasien, in: S. Lausberg & C. Oek-
. Münster, 81-114.
Knauß, F. 2000a. Der PalastŽ von Gumbati und die Rolle der Achaimeniden
32, 119-130.
Knauß, F. 2000b. Ein silbernes Rhyton aus Mtisdziri, in: E. Moorman & R.
Proceedings of the XV
International Congress of Classical Ar-
chaeology, Amsterdam 1998
. Amsterdam, 85-89.
Knauss, F. 2001. Persian rule in the north. Achaemenid palaces at the periph-
(Monographs of the Danish Institute at Athens 4).
Knauß, F. 2005a. Zur eisenzeitlichen Hausarchitektur Ostgeorgiens,
42, 187-210.
Knauss, F. 2005b. Caucasus, in: P. Briant & R. Boucharlat (eds.),
Larchéologie
de lempire achéménide: nouvelles recherches
(Persika 6). Paris, 197-220.
Knauss, F. 2006a. Ancient Persia and the Caucasus,
41, 79-118.
Knauß, F. 2006b. Pasargadae, Susa, Persepolis. Die Paläste der Achämeniden,
in: Speyer 2006, 100-111.
Knauß, F. 2009. MedismosŽ in Kolchis, in: R. Einicke, St. Lehmann, H. Löhr,
A. Mehnert, G. Mehnert & A. Slawisch (eds.),
Festschrift für Andreas E. Furtwängler
. Langenweißbach, 291-305.
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Persian Imperial Policy Behind the Rise
of a substantial Persian interference in the Greek colonies of the Cimmerian
Bosporus and that they remained not untouched by Achaemenid policy in
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Achaemenid culture were transferred, not moreŽ. The most recent compila-
tion of Persian and Persian-inspired material from the northern Pontic area
may be found in M. Treisters contribution in this volume.
Bearing in mind the quantitative and diagnostic limitations of the material
available, it is not easy to prove Persian presence or dominance, but, on the
other hand, it is far from easy to discard the hypothesis either. Other places
which are known from the written sources to be undoubtably under Persian
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Persian Imperial Policy 125
same way as their Scythian customers are. For both of them, the feeble huts
were obviously sufficient and well adapted to the local climate. The dugout or
semi-dugout huts constructed exclusively on the northern Pontic coast until
the last quarter of the sixth century were certainly not of much interest to the
Persian rulers in Anatolia, although they provided a base for the collection
of knowledge about inner Scythia.
1.2. The foundation of new colonies and a horizon of stone architecture in
the already existing ones
When Dareios I became ruler of the Persian Empire in 522, an Achaemenid
Persian interest in the northern Pontic zone arose. The Great King directed a
military campaign against the Scythians in or around 514, which, according to
Herodotos (book 4), was disastrous. One has to ask what Dareios Is motives
for such an endeavour were, but will be left without a convincing answer.
Whatever his reasons might have been, the large, but unsuccessful conquest
should not be considered as the unplanned adventure Herodotos suggests.
A principally non-urgent project like this,
10
under the personal leadership of
the Great King himself, certainly required several years of planning. Ctesias
book 20 records that a successful minor campaign was launched against the
Scythians under General Ariaramnes, the satrap of Kappadokia, most prob-
ably in 519. It remains unknown which part of Scythia was seized by him with
would fit perfectly with these somewhat isolated historical tidings that the
Anatolian satraps enforced Ionian and Dorian entrepreneurs, via their local
ration for the campaign in planning. In the last quarter of the sixth century
we do indeed see a rapid development.
At least one new colony was positioned in a strategic position suitable to
Fig. 1. Intensity of dugout construction at Berezan (Solovyov 1999, fig. 17).
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supply an army taking the western route around the Black Sea,
according to
Pseudo-Scymnos this was Mesambria.
The foundation of Callatis around
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Persian Imperial Policy 127
Possibly already in the sixth century, tyrants who had close connections to
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Jens Nieling
128
Fig. 2. Pantikapaion: reconstruction of the western plateau (after Tolstikov 2003, 328).
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Persian Imperial Policy 129
The archaeologial feature at the Cimmerian Bosporus
In Pantikapaion and the surrounding Bosporan area an extensive horizon of
destruction is attested for the first decade of the fifth century.
The above-
mentioned marvellous buildings on the acropolis and the fortification wall
were ruined and burnt down.
In building MK III some 23 arrowheads were
found, of which three were found still stuck in the walls. In a destroyed work-
and 250 armoury-scales
confirm that there were even ScythiansŽ or SindiansŽ defending the city, or,
alternatively, that Greeks obtained local weapons instead of the usual hoplite
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Jens Nieling
130
colonies either, as long as the regular transfer of cattle and people over the
frozen Bosporus in winter was not harmed. There had already been a con-
most probably so as to benefit from the presence of the colonies. (Maslennikov
1995, 32-33.)
Given the contemporary Ionian revolt and the fact that the colonies of the
of destruction should be labelled as Perserschutt, like that of the Athenian
acropolis and agora. With this assumption, a good amount of material for
of the Ionian coast can be identified. It seems, so far as such a statement is
possible, as if the disaster was limited only to the larger and smaller urban
centres on the coast without having a deeper impact on the inland chora. This
may be a slight hint that the enemy came from the sea and was interested in
extinguishing major structures but not necessarily every single farm and vil-
lage. In my opinion, this has the fingerprint of an official naval force rather
than that of raiding nomad cavalry or angry local neighbours.
Fig. 4. Sites of the Cimmerian Bosporus bearing traces of violent destruction at the begin-
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Persian Imperial Policy 131
3. Ongoing Medism during the reign of the Archaeanactids
In the aftermath of the Persian War, from 480 the reign of the Archaeanactids
as a kind of tyranny follows the characteristic Persian anti-democratic model
of government.
Therefore, it is possible to consider the regime to be sup-
ported or accepted by the Persians, or at least not to be in total opposition to
them. The Persian rulers in Anatolia generally established tyrants in the Ana-
of Salamis. For example, at Samos a certain Theomestor was put in power as
reward for his choice of side.
The first thing the new Bosporan dynasts did, with great effort, was to pro-
tect their acropoleis by constructing new fortifications, even if people on the
acropolis had to dwell in dugout huts again.
Several huts were constructed
directly on the ruins of the multi-chambered buildings. As they contained
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mere impressionistic rendering of the drapery. Therefore, these seals must have
belonged originally to high ranking Persian officers during the Archaeanactid
the fourth century. A parallel is given by two Georgian court-style seals which
were found in late Classical graves.
These pieces were certainly in use for a
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Persian Imperial Policy 133
sage is positioned at the end of the list of satrapies established by that king.
The next statement, that the Colchians,
even in the authors own time still
offer
gifts, provides additional evidence that in the preceding passage the status
of a past time is being described. This is confirmed by a similar phrase used
from the past tense in the description of the list of satrapies to the present
and back again, which is another sign indicating reference to different chrono-
logical levels.
40
The critical event, when the territories north of the Caucasus
extinguished Persian dominance, may well be Pericles expedition in 438, but
the author does not stress this.
Summary
To conclude, it seems as if the Greeks communities lost the Persian Wars in
the Cimmerian Bosporus after they had profited from the Darian campaign
against the Scythians, one way or another, during the preceding two de-
cades. We have no decisive evidence as to who ruined most of the Bosporan
ers to tell us. Certainly, it could have been an internal Greek affair or a local
Fig. 5. Two cylinder seals from Kerch (Minns 1913, 411). Siglos type III b (early) 500-475
and Daric type III b late 425-375 (Weisser 2006, 74).
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conflict with the Sindoi or Crimean Scythians or even a combination of both.
However, the chronological coincidence of the archaeological material with
the historically reported war in western Anatolia, which deeply affected the
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Persian Imperial Policy 135
25 Hdt. 5.36.
26 Hdt. 6.6, 6.8.
27 Jacobs 1994, 119.
28 Tolstikov 1984, 27; Maslennikov 2001, 249.
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Hind, J. 1998. Megarian colonization in the western half of the Black Sea, in:
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The Impact of the Achaemenids on
Thrace: A Historical Review
Introduction
presents the region in question and the historical and
with the Achaemenid Empire.
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Ellen Rehm
138
But such union is impossible for them, and there are no means
of ever bringing it about. Herein therefore consists their weak-
ness. The Thracians bear many names in the different regions of
their country, but all of them have like usages in every respect,
the people of Creston (5.3).
5
However, Thrace was not the only region where Thracian tribes lived, as they
in the northeastern sector, south and east of the Sea of Marmara in present-
day Turkey. Herodotos describes the Anatolian Thracians
6
as follows:
The Thracians went to the war wearing the skins of foxes upon
their heads, and about their bodies tunics, over which was thrown
buskins made from the skins of fawns; and they had for arms
crossing into Asia, took the name Bithynians; before they had
been called Strymonians, while they dwelt upon the Strymon;
whence, according to their own account, they had been driven out
Fig. 1. Oppermann 1984, 74.
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The Impact of the Achaemenids on Thrace139
by the Mysians and Teucrians. The commander of these Asiatic
Thracians was Bassaces the son of Artabanus (7.75).
nately, their dress and weaponry are not described.
However, we can assume
that the equipment of the European Thracians must have looked like Asiatic
Then it became clear why the Thracians wear fox-skin caps on
their heads and over their ears, and tunics not merely about their
chests, but also round their thighs, and why, when on horseback,
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Similarly, it was the result of much intermarrying.
To reduce conflict in the rapprochement, it was often claimed that there were
unwalled villages, but the archaeological finds in many towns have shown
that they were fortified … at least in the fifth and fourth centuries BC.
The history of Thrace in respect of the Persians
Little is known about Thrace in respect of the Persians. Under Dareios I,
Thrace was conquered during his Scythian campaign, which began in the
west in 513/512 BC, and was made part of the Achaemenid Empire.
It is
still uncertain how large the conquered Thracian region was.
Our source is
While Dareios I, coming
from Bosporus, was taking the land route over the Thracian region,
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The Impact of the Achaemenids on Thrace141
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nations of those parts. For the kings command to him was, that
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The Impact of the Achaemenids on Thrace143
Only the Satren tribe escaped. Its men were described as courageous warriors,
who lived in the region of mountain and forest.
It is evident how important Doriskos, mentioned above, now was as a base,
since the governor of Doriskos is mentioned by name in Herodotos and his
special loyalty to the king is emphasized (7.105-106). Apparently, Maskames
succeeded in this, as one of the few Persian governors to hold the city entrusted
Artemision as well as the destruction of Athens and the last Persian defeat
cities were lost.
After the two battles at Plataiai and Mykale in 479 BC, there seems to have
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, there is an account of how, at the request of Pharnabazos, the satrap
Thus it appears that at least the Hellespont at
this time belonged to the region where the Persians acted. According to Ar-
rian, in 334 Alexander accused Dareios III, perhaps correctly, of having sent
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The Impact of the Achaemenids on Thrace145
must have ruled up to approximately the middle of the fifth century BC.
Thoukydides calls him the founder of the Kingdom. However, his power was
still restricted, as some parts of the land were independent.
To keep on good
terms with his neighbours, he was courting the Scythians, since Herodotos
tells us of the diplomatic marriage of the daughter of Teres to the Scythian
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However, the Odrysians were not the only tribe who laid claim to power in
Thrace, and Sitalkes fell during a military clash with the Triballern who lived
in western Thrace.
The successor of Sitalkes was not his son Sodokos, mentioned above, but
Seuthes I (424-407 BC), who was his nephew and the son of Sparadokos.
The period of his reign was also shaped by the connections with Athens and
Macedonia and, as a result, he was involved in the shifting power relationships
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The Impact of the Achaemenids on Thrace147
BC). Sources testify to actions of the ruler in the north Aegean. At the start of
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148
important, and, in particular, that it does not reveal anything about the exact
location of this satrapy, even though in most lists the Skudra feature near the
There is another list of all the conquered peoples … written in hieroglyphs …
It mentions the Skudra (S3-
k3-t-rw-3) after Armenia (3-rw-m-jj-n3), Sardis (S3-p-rw-t-3) and Kappadokia
the northwest]).
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The Impact of the Achaemenids on Thrace149
such as the Scythians and Greeks,
also carried two spears,
as depictions
and finds in tombs demonstrate.
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cepted as Saka beyond the seaŽ. Also in this text, the Skudra
and the Yauna
i.e. Ionians with a hat shaped like
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The Impact of the Achaemenids on Thrace151
in Anatolia and, in reaching this conclusion, refers to two documents in which
Dareios I names the outer borders of the Kingdom in every direction. On the
foundation documents from the Apadana in Persepolis (DPh) as well as on
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revolted.
Alexander took over the Persian Empire with its satrapies. Since
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The Impact of the Achaemenids on Thrace153
on those of the east. Although their material legacy could certainly have been
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16 Hdt. 4.89 pp.
17 How far inland he came remains uncertain. Herodotos mentions the source of
the Tearos, a river with healing powers where Dareios camped and had a column
erected. Then it was two days journey from Perinth … on the north coast of the
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The Impact of the Achaemenids on Thrace155
37 Briant 2002, 657; Demosthenes contra Aristocrates 154-159.
38 Arr.
14.4-5.
39 Seibert 1985, 184, separation of the region in 326 BC.
40 See the general representations: for example, Oppermann 1984; Bonn 2004; and
especially the comprehensive monographs by Danov 1976; Archibald 1998.
41 For a survey, see Danov 1976, 21-52.
42 See n. 4.
43 Translation: Thoukydides,
History of the Peloponnesian War
Werner (1972
44 See n. 8.
45 See map in Archibald 1998, 108, fig. 4.2.
46 See stemma of the royal house: Archibald 1998, 104.
47 Youroukava 1976.
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of possible meanings in Hachmann & Penner 1999, 265; most recently, Jordanov
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The Impact of the Achaemenids on Thrace157
86 Raeck 1981, 74; Snodgrass 1967, fig. 37.
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115 Diod. 16.75.
116 Paus. 1.29.10.
117 Klinkott 2006, 477.
118 Here he follows Gropp (2001, 40), who points out that the same issue remained
significant in 14th century Ottoman Empire. At that time, the Balkans were ruled
119 On this cf. Jacobs 1994, 115-116.
120 List in Diod. 18.3.1-2.
121 Klinkott 2006, 76, 477.
122 Cf. Diod. 17.62.5-6.
123 Also in the fifth century BC the physical distance must have been significant.
the hinterland lie west of the Hebros. Only in the fourth century BC do foreign
wares seem to have provoked interest, as the finds of Greek pottery in Thrace
suggest (Archibald 1998, 217, fig. 9.4). Certainly, the fully developed road system
was significant in this respect.
Bäbler, B. 1998.
Fleißige Thrakerinnen und wehrhafte Skythen. Nichtgriechen in
klassischen Athen und ihre archäologischen Hinterlassenschaften
Balcer, J.M. 1988. Persian Occupied Thrace (Skudra),
37, 1-12.
Griechen und Perser. Die Mittelmeerwelt im Altertum I
(Fischer Weltgeschichte 5). Frankfurt am Main.
Die Thraker. Das goldene Reich des Orpheus
(Kunst- und Ausstel-
Briant, P. 1996.
Histoire de lempire perse de Cyrus à Alexandre
. Paris.
Briant, P. 2002.
From Cyrus to Alexander. A History of the Persian Empire
. Wi-
Bülow, G. von. 1985.
Calmeyer, P. 1976. Zur Genese altiranischer Motive. VIII. Die statistische
Landcharte des PerserreichesŽ … I,
Cameron, G.G. 1973. The Persian satrapies and related matters,
Castritius, H. 1972. Die Okkupation Thrakiens durch die Perser und der Sturz
des athenischen Tyrannen Hippias,
Chiron
2, 1-15.
c
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n
1
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The Impact of the Achaemenids on Thrace159
Satrapieverteilung in Kleinasien, in: T. Bakšr (ed.),
Proceedings of the First International Symposium on Anatolia in the Achaemenid
Hachmann, R. & S. Penner 1999.
seine kulturelle Umwelt
(Saarbrücker Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 21). Bonn.
Hallock, R.T. 1969.
c
h
e
m
e
n
d
n
1
0
Die westpontischen Poleis. Zentrum für Archäologie und
Kulturgeschichte des Schwarzmeerraumes
. Weißbach.
Thraker, Griechen und Römer an der Westküste des Schwar-
zen Meeres.
Mainz
Pajakowski, W. 1983. Einige Bemerkungen zur Lokalisierung der persischen
Popov, C. 2007. Aspekte der thrakischen Archäologie der späten Bronze- und
(Antikenmuseum Basel und Sammlung Ludwig). Basel, 33-37.
Raeck, W. 1981.
Zum Barbarenbild in der Kunst Athens im 6. und 5. Jahrhundert
v. Chr.
Roaf, M. 1974. The Subject People on the Base of the Statue of Darius,
de la Délégation Archéologique Française en Iran
Schmidt, E.F. 1970.
Persepolis III. The Royal Tombs and Other Monuments
(Ori-
of Darius the Great
Die Eroberungen des Perserreiches durch Alexander den Großen
(Beihefte zum Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen
Orients B 68). Wiesbaden.
Snodgrass, A.M. 1967.
Arms and Armour of the Greeks.
Speyer 2006.
Pracht und Prunk der Großkönige. Das Persische Weltreich
(Histo-
risches Museum der Pfalz Speyer). Stuttgart.
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Influenced by the Achaemenids
Frequently, objects from the Achaemenid period are described as Achae-
menidŽ without a precise definition of the term being given. Often the term
is used in a generalized way for objects produced within the Achaemenid
Empire or during that period. Rarely have the artefacts been classified into
various groups so as to make clear the degree of proximity to or dependence
on the great Persian Empire and its centre.
This may be due to a reluctance
to ascribe the Achaemenids with their own artŽ and reference is always
made to the eclecticism of objects produced under the Achaemenids.
If more
or group of objects. One reason for the wide use of the term AchaemenidŽ
is that the material legacy of the Achaemenid Empire is marginal to many
disciplines. Ancient history is concerned mostly with historical and political
developments. Classical archaeologists and ancient Near Eastern archaeolo-
gists do occasionally include the legacy, but most only consider and label it
from their own perspective.
In 2002, Jacobs noted this phenomenon and hoped to redress the balance by
What mattered to him most was to discuss the themes
depicted and their origin and imitation … especially in Asia Minor … but he also
discussed the layout of the monuments. Besides the contents of representa-
aspect of the history of art. Accordingly, here I will attempt to draft various
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Achaemenid Empire cannot be carried out in this way. Therefore, here, as a
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The Classification of Objects from the Black Sea163
On the one hand, the classification presented here also affects the ques-
Above all, this topic will be treated in respect of the postulated presence of
eastern craftsmen in Greece and of Greek craftsmen in Scythia. However, an
exposition of this often controversial discussion would not only go beyond
the framework of this research but would also change the emphasis, and so,
It should
and non-written sources are very rare. Here
it should be noted that there were definitely workshops in the satrapies in
On the other hand, the connotation of these objects in the peripheral areas
must be discussed. The artefacts in court-style art were certainly seen as
presents from the Persian king to indigenous leaders.
In any case, the find
circumstances in Thrace are all more recent than the direct Persian cont act in
was probably a satrapy of the Persian Empire. The same applies to objects
found east of the Black Sea. Therefore, they must basically have been antiqueŽ
objects which were placed in the graves of the leaders.
What is the context in which objects made in satrapal artŽ style are to be
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transparent and the acculturation in the various topographical regions can be
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The Classification of Objects from the Black Sea165
Similarly, animals are predominantly represented in abstract form, since
muscles and hair are turned into ornamentation.
35
In addition, a particularly
separation of the mane, which is indicated by a doubled line
36
or a collar of
loop-shaped elements
37
or indentations.
38
The nose is marked by a double
stepped straight or round line. Above the nose there are two round tips.
39

The lips are always grooved,
40
the snout often has a double border
41
and the
cheeks are indicated by one
42
or two
43
horizontal tear-shaped elements. A thick
bulge above the eyes pointing inwards can again assume this form.
44
Mostly,
the ears are raised up hemispherically and the hair inside is occasionally in-
dicated by parallel lines.
45
When a mane is shown, it is formed from several
elongated lozenges standing on their points.
46
In many cases, their tips con-
tinue under in a curl or small wave, all bent to one side.
47
The lions shoulders
are not covered with the mane, they are marked with a sharp border, while
frequently the belly hair on the side is bent slightly upwards in various ways.
48

The body itself is also marked off by various ornamentations, derived from
abstract stylized muscles. While on the foreleg the stylized muscles can be
indicated by an inverted tulip
49
, the shoulder is almost always exaggerated
by a doubled, framed element, which looks either like a figure of eight
50
or a
51
or is formed from a circle and one tear-shaped element
52
(pear-and-
apple) or two.
53
In addition, there is a circular lump under the belly.
54
The
hindquarters are also indicated by ornaments in the shape of a circle and one
or two bean-shaped elements.
55
Occasionally the joint of the hindquarters is
stylized with a small filled circle or a small filled figure of eight,
56
which in
turn is surrounded by lines (to represent sinews).
57
The tuft can be shaped
like an arrow, a heart or a bud
58
(Fig. 2).
Fig. 1. Curtis & Tallis 2005, cat. no. 46.
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Ellen Rehm
166
Other animals also show stylized parts of the body. On the bulls from
Persepolis, the heads are separated by lines stylized eagles leading to the
muzzle and jowls. The base of the long cone-shaped ears is round and lumpy
59

and the horns are slightly bent.
60
The eyes are round and the inner corner of
the eyes can be emphasized.
61
Often the brows over the eyes are separated
inside by lines,
62
an ornamentation also found on the caprids.
63
Conspicuous
is the ornamentation of the mane. This frames the
cheeks, decorates the crest
and on the back closes as a semicircle, it runs down diagonally on the chest
and, like a strip, can indicate the hair on the belly, back and hindquarters.
64

The same structure is also found in the shape of the beards on caprids.
65
Of
course, beards on caprids occasionally in two rows can also be provided
with a tongue pattern
66
or as fluted.
67
The horns of the caprids are recogniz-
able by the schematically drawn, conspicuous natural annual rings. Typical
of the horses is the curved forehead.
68
Calves are often distinguished by long
ears, which are also typical in simplified representations, for example on
69
Hybrid creatures combine the elements mentioned above. As an example,
a brief description of the popular lion-griffins and bird-griffins can be given.
Lion-griffins have the body and head of a lion, bird-griffins have the body
of a lion and the head of a raptor. Both hybrids usually have long bulls ears
and curved horns, which can be shaped like a chain of balls
70
and provided
Fig. 2. Boardman 2003, 135, fig. 3.34.
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The Classification of Objects from the Black Sea167
with a ball
71
72
or rolled up.
73
Occasionally, the
griffins have an upright crest, intended to emphasize the feature of a raptor.
74

As another important feature of Achaemenid court style, the bent wings of
all the creatures can be mentioned
75
(Fig. 3).
The tendency towards ornamentation is also noticeable in the way humans
are represented. Alongside a uniform rigidity of the forms occasionally
again interrupted by quite stiff movements, intended to indicate vivacity
76

for example, the hair, are considered separately, they never look realistic, but
appear as a uniform pattern.
77
Here, typical features, relating to the shape and choice of motif and thus
not belonging to the criteria of style for the history of art, will be included.
handles of containers. Typically, the front part of the creature depicted usu-
ally animals and hybrids rather than humans
78
is in full relief, i.e. paws,
Fig. 3. Frankfort 1950, pl. 1.
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Ellen Rehm
168
recognizable on a second look, as it merges with the object.
79
A further pos-
sibility of the
pars pro toto
depiction is that only the head of an animal or
hybrid creature is represented. As evidence are the decorations from con-
tainers
80
81
A peculiarity of the shape
have almost a wave-shaped part running in the opposite direction, which
originally would absorb the pressure on opening and closing.
82
However, as
83
this feature seems later not to
have been functional but to have become an ornamental feature of this group
of material (cf. Figs. 5, 10, 14).
Particularly typical forms are the rhyton, the amphora with a spout and
the bowl. Usually, a rhyton has a slightly open horn on top and a protome in
the form of an animal or hybrid.
84
of the creatures body is blended with the vessel
85
(Fig. 4). Often there is an
into ones mouth or into a bowl.
86
This shape of vessel, which is not without
forerunners, was very widespread in later periods.
87
In contrast, amphorae
with spouts are restricted to the Persian period. These are amphorae with two
handles, and one handle has a tube-shaped extension and additionally serves
as a spout, which is quite a refinement. In this way, function is combined with a
perfect shape.
88
Alternatively, the amphorae can have a spout underneath and
these are called amphora-rhyta.
89
The phiale is a shallow bowl or slightly
raised bowl (known as Achaemenid beakers) with or without an ompha-
los.
90
Occasionally there is a false omphalos, i.e. the navel is not worked
as a raised part of the body of the vessel but as a separate element placed
Fig. 4. Boardman 2003, 225, fig. 5.69.
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The Classification of Objects from the Black Sea169
inside the bowl.
91
Already exceptionally popular during the Assyrian period,
as illustrations
92
and finds
93
show, the bowl was widespread especially in the
Achaemenid period
94
and was also a popular shape in Greece.
95
As few bowls
bowls of court-style art

look like. Following the tradition of Assyrian models
variants of tongues, grooves
96
, lotus blossoms and bosses. It should be noted
that undecorated bowls cannot be placed in the categories given here.
In order to classify an object as court-style art, (almost) all the criteria
satrapal art

(see below). If there are significant changes and the objects only
remotely evoke Achaemenid models, the objects belong to the group of arte-
facts produced by Perso-barbarian art

(see below).
A few artefacts from the regions around the Black Sea can be mentioned
as examples which correspond to court-style art. There is a huge number of
these objects in the east.
ending in caprid heads.
97
They are recognizable by the typical round shape
of the eyes, which end in a point inside, the long ears, on the lower inside of
which are signs of stylized hair, the two-pointed beard and fine twisted horns.
sides of which point outwards and were once filled with frit.
98
ends in a lions head, inside whose ears hair is indicated by hatched lines.
been moulded following a standardized model, the shape and size of which
fit the mould found in Persepolis
99
(Fig. 6). Besides its individual elements of
style, the wave opposite the opening also shows that it unequivocally be-
longs to the court stylIn Kertch on the Krim, two cylinder seals
100
were found,
corresponding to court-style art. The first shows the king wearing a pleated
Fig. 5. Miron & Orthmann 1995, 149, cat. no. 148.
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170
garment and a crown, vanquishing two Lamassu standing upright.
101
Further
motifs are a caprid standing upright and a winged sun with a human head
hovering over the scene. It is framed by a date palm. There is also a second
date palm on the second seal. Here, a Persian king wearing a pleated garment
and a crown leads four prisoners behind him, while with his lance he presses
down on a fifth, kneeling in front of him.
102
Alongside the palm motif, which
unequivocally belongs to the court style,
103
the king defeating the hybrids or in the line-up of the prisoners.
104
It is difficult to classify objects from the region of Thrace west of the Black
Sea as court-style art.
105
An example is a silver vessel with a neck but without
a handle, which comes from the grave mound of Rozovec.
106
The body of the
egg-shaped vessel seems to grow out of a lotus bud, its large grooved leaves
embracing the body in relief. The shoulder is decorated with a tongue pattern,
based on the state of research today found in an unequivocally Achaemenid
context.
107
Two vessels of similar shape and size in glazed pottery from Perse-
polis have come to light
108
and also reliefs from the same place can be consid-
ered.
109
Likewise, ancient representations can help, since, even if on the reliefs
from Persepolis only amphorae with handles are known, seals in the Achae-
menidizing style demonstrate that bowls, handle-less containers and spoons
using such utensils.
110
If we turn to the lotus decoration, it is clear that here a
typical adoption from a great empire has taken place. The lotus pattern is also
found on bowls which originally were decorated with ribs or tongues, and in
Egypt this was a typical local decoration.
111
This decoration comes from lotus
beakers with a tall stem, which show a transposition of a lotus blossom. Once
accepted into the Achaemenid repertoire of shapes, vessels with this decora-
tion were also acquired in the satrapies of the Achaemenid Empire.
112
The
same applies to the tongue pattern, which perhaps in this period derived from
a Greek milieu,
113
but in the Near East it was already documented in the Neo-
Assyrian period.
114
During the Achaemenid period, this motif is found not only
on the manes of caprids, but also as decoration on the faades of the tombs of
the Achaemenid kings in Naqsh-i Rustam,
115
as a border on parts of buildings
in Persepolis
116
and as decoration on the vessels, carried by the bringers of
Fig. 6. Schmidt 1957, 79,
fig. 16.
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The Classification of Objects from the Black Sea171
tribute, on the Apadana staircase.
117
Therefore, this vessel combines di sparate
elements: an Oriental shape
118
and two originally non-Oriental decorative ele-
ments, which, however, were incorporated into the art of the great empire. As
these adaptations had occurred already at the start of the fifth century BC, they
are elements the tongue pattern more clearly than the lotus decoration
119

that should be added to the repertoire of court-style art. Thus the vessel can be
tion from Thrace also belong to this category.
120
Achaemenidizing satrapal art
This category includes trends in style which very closely follow court-style
art and directly imitate it, but which, through omissions and the adoption of
new elements of form or material, also deviate from it.
121
However, this does
not mean that the objects produced in the satrapies must necessarily deviate
from the court style. Rather, the category denotes variously weighted trends
in style in the respective satrapies that are very close to the original style.
From the nature of these products, we can presume that they were probably
made in the main towns of the satrapies.
122
As an example, a bull rhyton which comes from a hoard from Borovo can
be mentioned
123
one with a horse protome, the other with a sphinx protome, as well as a ves-
sel with a neck and a foot bowl. Whereas non-Persian influences are evident
Fig. 7. Bonn 2004, 232, cat. no. 238.
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in the other two rhyta, the bull rhyton is occasionally considered to be in the
typical Achaemenid style.
124
At first glance, the elaboration of the bull appears
exactly the same as in the representations on the capitals in Persepolis. There
are the same shapes in the posture of the head and forelegs. The stylization
of the eyes, the indication of veins on the face and the hair ornamentation on
the belly, beard and back correspond to the court style. However, the way
the hair is depicted on the back and the small circular hollows in the mouth
do not occur on any of the court-style art models. These small alterations are
intended to provide realism. Even when they are quite remote from reality,
because they are so schematic, they still contradict the Near Eastern tendency
for ornamentation and would be unthinkable in Achaemenid court-style art.
125
Common to all three rhyta
126
is the use of two colours. They were formed
from silver, but the parts to be especially emphasized, such as the manes,
127

As far as I know, this technique was not employed for objects

in the court
style.
128
In any case, here it must be added that most court-style containers
129
but from the
130
and, as a consequence, their authenticity can be doubtful.
131

Bichrome objects from Anatolia are also known.
132
A horse- or shield-dec-
oration from the Oxus Treasure also seems to come from this region
133
and
shou
ld provisionally be considered typical of the satrapies of Asia Minor. If,
as Vickers
134
attempted to explain, the appearance of red-figured vases was
influenced by partially gilded silver vases, this would mean that in Athens,
Fig. 8. Basel 2007, 199, cat.
no. 136d.
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The Classification of Objects from the Black Sea173
dard.
135
A transfer of the use of two colours to products of satrapal art made
in Asia Minor
136
would certainly seem possible.
137
According to Athenaeus,
this technique was known in Lycia.
138
The Anatolian workshops may have
served Thrace, as Boardman has previously suggested
139
, and so it would not
This result brings us to the well-known amphora from Duvanli (Fig. 9a).
Generally, it is stressed as an especially good example of an Achaemenid ves-
sel in Thrace.
140
All its features concur with the court style: the single elements
and the ornamentation of the hybrids,
141
the tongue pattern also known to the
Achaemenids
142
tiles from Susa,
143
and, not least, the typical Achaemenid shape. Once the use
of two colours, which is unusual for the court style, has drawn our attention,
on closer inspection further deviations can be identified, even though only
the middle of which there is a stylized cowlick.
144
In addition, alongside the
crests of the lion-griffins there are two rolled-up locks of hair underneath, a
motif which originated in the Aegean.
145
On the basis of this small modifica-
tion, as well as the overall colouring, the vessel should be accepted into the
group of satrapal art, even though it is surprisingly close to court-style art.
146

Conceivably, such examples were produced either in Sardis or Daskyleion.
147

Fig. 9. Basel 2007, 176, cat.
no. 124.
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174
The craftsman who created the shape and the decoration could have been a
Persian, who had been stimulated by local craftsmen, who in turn later also
adopted the technique of gilding.
There is another type of foreign influence on two unusual vessels found
far north of the Black Sea in Filippovka, kurgan 1, treasure pit 2. One is a sil-
ver rhyton, ending in a bull protome.
148
Although close to the original for
example the protomes of the columns in Persepolis the slightly different
way the body is handled as well as the sloping forehead indicate a foreign
element. The second object is a gold amphora,
149
its handle made in the form
of a leaping ram. As usual, the handle is covered with an animal relief on the
underside and ends in lions paws. Conspicuous on both objects is the lack of
ornamentation on the bodies and also missing is the decoration on the vessel,
A further example of satrapal art, clearly even more remote from court-style
in Georgia in a tomb
150
of silver, and opposite the opening they have the typical Achaemenid wave
and end in calves heads. These show round eyes, simple fluted sideburns and
criteria of court-style art

are followed: silver is used very often for typical calf-
151
the round ears and beards and the long ears are also part of
the repertoire. However, clear differences can be noted: the heads do not merge
are missing and some simplification and rough fashioning are to be noted.
These three examples indicate how objects of satrapal art can be both close
to and different from the original in various ways.
In the last section it was noted that for the bowls, due to the number of
Fig. 10. Gambaschidze 2001, 429, cat.
no. 420.
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The Classification of Objects from the Black Sea175
lack of information concerning the original court-style art objects due to the
unsatisfactory number of finds, on the other hand, allocation to the categories
proposed here is difficult. Even so, I shall make an attempt to define satrapal
pattern that diverges from bowls (phiale) belonging to court-style art. Ex-
amples are bowls from Pichvnari and Vani.
152
The bowl from Pichvnari has an
A comparable pattern is known from a bowl from Susa.
153
An outer frieze is
made from a ring of fluting and is separated from the inner decoration by
an emphatic bulge. This separation is unusual for Achaemenid bowls.
154
The
bowl from Vani is decorated with three narrowly trimmed rows of bosses, all
of which have a pronounced frame. Common to both bowls and unusual for
the court style

is a fine decorated strip running round the large omphalos,
to the category of satrapal art are the ones decorated with figured ornamen-
a small number of such objects from the Black Sea region are known, they
still form an important transition point to Perso-barbarian art

(see below). A
good example is the Kazbek bowl from Georgia,
155
which has two parallels in
Rhodes
156
Fig. 11. Boardman 2003, 229, fig. 5.73a.
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176
a pair of swans heads whose long necks form a lyre-shaped element which
been found on stone vessels from Persepolis
157
and clearly show Achaemenid
Achaemenid-style figures. Thus, from the Oxus Treasure a bowl with bosses
depicting lions walking upright is known, which has a parallel in a bowl
bodies.
158
We have to include bowls belonging to the so-called Lydian Trea-
sure
159
which are also covered with figures. Stylistically, they do belong to
the Achaemenid style but, as with the figures of Bes, there is a noticeable shift
in content.
160
Two rows of identical figures are depicted in gold on silver a
crowned figure in the Persian pleated garment, holding a lotus blossom in
one hand and a ring or crown in the other. This iconography is unusual,
161

as, strictly speaking, a deity would hold a ring
162
and the king a lotus blos-
som.
163
Therefore, there has been a fusion, comparable to the figure of Bes on
the bowls mentioned above.

from another area can be
mentioned: from architecture. In Sidon a capital with two bulls
164
was found,
which is related to the capitals from Persepolis,
165
even if it is more realistic
and has softer contours. Even so, the ornamented manes, the brows over the
(Fig. 12).
Fig. 12. Curtis & Tallis 2005, 41, fig. 29.
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The Classification of Objects from the Black Sea177
The final category in this discussion relates to objects which combine an Ach-
Perso-barbarian artŽ has been chosen in order to indicate that these objects
mix Achaemenid court-style art
These indigenous peculiarities also include Greek
which are to be explained, on the one hand, by the proximity
the other, by the existence of Greek colonies on the coast of the Black Sea. The
their training, their teachers and the location of their workshops,
as well as
the question as to how they followed the wishes of those commissioning them,
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178
the handle after a bulge-shaped thickening, and its size.
175
The shape of the
spout and especially the style of the decoration are different.
far apart from each other objects classified as

Perso-barbarian art

can be. On
176
The decoration comprises crouching wild boar, their
hide shown by hatched lines. The ring has no wave opposite the opening.
177

lennium BC both in Mesopotamia
178
and in Iran
179
, we must assume that here
180
wild boar, the allusion is to the Persians in the widest sense.
181
On the other
with the wave opposite the opening, are associated with the Achaemenids
(Fig. 14). The ends, with their crude carving, allow one to suspect Achaeme-
nid models, without which the decoration would be inexplicable. Here, heads
with the pattern of a mane are intended, as known from the decoration of the
rich tomb of a woman from Susa.
182
As a further example, some rhyta found in Borovo can be mentioned. Only
the shape of the sphinx rhyton still evokes an Achaemenid original and the
horse rhyton may also allude to the horse-riding peoples of Persia.
183
A horse
rhyton from Bashova must be added, which is as impressive as it is lifelike.
184
In the previous section, these bowls were defined as satrapal art, with
their clear modifications in ornamental decoration. Also included are phialae
Fig. 13. Basel 2007, 201, cat. no. 137a.
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The Classification of Objects from the Black Sea179
decorated with figures, especially as the decoration deviated slightly from the
court style. Again, bowls in the category of Perso-barbarian art

demonstrate
a further development of the previous variants. On some bowls from the
treasure found in Rogozen,
185
the pattern of an omphalos bowl is certainly
bowls have been changed to indigenous motifs: the motifs are faces and bulls
heads. An additional good example for Perso-barbarian art

is a particularly
lavishly shaped bichrome bowl, also from the treasure found in Rogozen.
186

also simple fluted bowls, which instead of an omphalos have a raised face.
187

These are so remote from court-style art in terms of content that we cannot
call them satrapal art

and so they must belong to Perso-barbarian art (Fig. 15).
Fig. 14. Berlin 2007a, 135.
Fig. 15. Bonn 2004, 201, cat. no. 231d.
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180

As a last example, an architectural element can be given, which came to
light in Zichiagora in Georgia
188
(Fig. 16). The small capital with two bulls
189
is
a remote imitation of the bull capitals from Achaemenid palaces,
190
although
the rounded saddle shows that it is not an architectural support as at Persepo-
its proportions or in its decoration, although reminiscences are recognizable.
Thus the eyes are round and the internal corner is pointed, over the eyes there
is a divided bulge and where the ear joins there are two hemispherical lumps.
The beard on the jowls and the coat on the chest are stylized as ornamental
Summary
for work in the future. The development of this system and its explanation
191
or have
only just come to light.
192
The intention is to arrive at a broad classification
that is also quite comprehensible to non-specialists in Achaemenid studies.
The eloquent names proposed here for the three groups, namely court-style
art, satrapal art and Perso-barbarian art especially the last label already
my opinion, however, only with such labelling, even if it is perhaps provoca-
Fig. 16. Miron & Orthmann 1995, 170, fig. 174.
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The Classification of Objects from the Black Sea181
Kingdom of Persia become sharper. Finally, it should once again be noted that
the frame of reference for this modern classification is flexible. Also, there are
transitional pieces from one group to another. In addition, there are objects
1 I would like to express my gratitude to Wilfred G.E. Watson for translation of
2 Probable exceptions are the seals produced in Asia Minor. Furtwängler (1900,
Bd. II, 55, Bd. III, 116) called them griechisch-persischŽ. This description was
accepted and later used extensively in the form of graeco-persischŽ
Cf. Zazoff
3 Rehm 1992, 260-261.
4 Jacobs 2002, 345, 387-388.
5 A … somewhat more open … division into three categories (achämenidisches
ImportstückŽ [cat. no. A]; von achämenidischer Tradition beeinflußtŽ [cat. no.
B]; Werke, die mit dem Achämenidischen nur noch entfernt zu tun habenŽ [cat.
no. C]) has been proposed by Luschey (1983, 322 pp.). I would classify some
objects that he considered to be achämenidischŽ as Achaeminizing. Based on
the adoption of Achaemenid art in central Asia, Francfort (2007, 277) described a
model with five phases: On peut procéder à des copies fidèles des originaux,
à des imitations, à des contrefaçons, à des dérivations, à des transformationsŽ.
In a similar study, Miller (1993) used the terms AdoptionŽ and AdaptionŽ for
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The Classification of Objects from the Black Sea183
34 The occasional staggered arrangement as well as the concern and movement of
the so-called nobles on the Apadana clearly show the portrayal to be stylized and
wooden; Walser 1980, figs. 59-63.
35 Cf. Rehm 1992, 261 pp.
36 Ghirshman 1964, 239, fig. 286.
37 Ghirshman 1964, 220, fig. 269; Curtis & Tallis 2005, 194-195, nos. 301, 302.
38 Ghirshman 1964, 143, fig. 193.
39 Ghirshman 1964, 212, fig. 260, 219, fig. 268.
40 Ghirshman 1964, 143, fig. 193; Curtis & Tallis 2005, 194-195, nos. 301, 302.
41 Ghirshman 1964, 142-143, figs. 191, 193; Curtis & Tallis 2005, 194-195, nos. 301,
42 Curtis & Tallis 2005, 102, no. 95.
43 Ghirshman 1964, 143, fig. 193, 219, fig. 268; Curtis & Tallis 2005, 194, no. 301.
44 Ghirshman 1964, 143, fig. 193.
45 Ghirshman 1964, 193, fig. 240 (here, the horizontal lines of the hair at the base of
the ears make them look rectangular), 239, fig. 286; Curtis & Tallis 2005, 102, no.
46 Ghirshman 1964, 243, fig. 291.
47 Ghirshman 1964, 220, fig. 269; Curtis & Tallis 2005, 102, no. 95; Speyer 2006a, 14.
48 Ghirshman 1964, 142, fig. 191; Curtis & Tallis 2005, 194, no. 301.
49 Ghirshman 1964, 142-143, figs. 191-193.
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64 Ghirshman 1964, 142, fig. 192, 216-217, fig. 264, 266; Curtis & Tallis 2005, title
65 Berlin 2007b, 250, fig. 7, an
handle from Certomlyk, but undoubtedly
made in the Achaemenid court style.
66 Deppert-Lippitz 1985, 156; Pfrommer 1990, 193 also uses this term for this strip
67 Cf. n. 63.
68 Schmidt 1953, pl. 29; Roaf 1983, pl. XII; Curtis & Tallis 2005, 70, no. 25, 211, fig.
69 Rehm 1992, 367-371.
70 Especially on seals, cf. Curtis & Tallis 2005, 159, no. 202.
71 Garrison & Cool Root 2001, pl. 179.d.
72 Curtis & Tallis 2005, 138. These hybrid creatures are a good example of court
style. However, it should be noted that the dot-and-comma style under the styl-
ized hindquarters was borrowed from the art of the steppes, cf. Rehm 1992, 45;
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The Classification of Objects from the Black Sea185
86 Speyer 2006a, 192-193, figs. 3-4.
87 For further information, see Boardman 2003, 298, n. 457.
88 Walser 1966, pls. 45-46; Speyer 2006a, 133, figs. 8-9.
89 On the type of vessel, see Haerinck 1980. On its origin in Armenia, see Amandry
1958, 52-54. Cf., for example, Curtis & Tallis 2005, 124, no. 126; Ghirshman 1964,
90 Cf. Dusinberre 1999.
91 Harper 1992, 244, no. 170.
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120 Compare, for example, the collection in Luschey 1983, 324, fig. 4, nos. 1, 3 (Du-
vanli), no. 9 (Gradnitza), no. 7 (Schapladra); Bonn 2004, 147, nos. 200-201.
121 In
glyptic, the terms Persianizing styleŽ (Kaptan 2002, 133 pp.) and achämenidi-
adopted in the western satrapies. However, numerous subdivisions have been
developed, so that this model cannot be applied to other groups of objects without
122 For w
123 Bonn 2004, 195, no. 226.d; Basel 2007, 199, no. 136.d.
124 For example, Ebbinghaus 1999, 390.
125
Similarly also Oppermann 1984, 111: Allerdings wird es sich hier nicht um direk-
Kunst erkennbar sindŽ; as well as Luschey 1983, 316: Nur im gelockten Stirnhaar
verrät sich ein nicht-iranisches ElementŽ.
cf. P. Calmeyer, HamadanŽ, in:
4, Berlin 1972-1975,
On the contrary, the structure of the scene, a representation of a genre, is atypical
and suggests foreign … western … influence.
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The Classification of Objects from the Black Sea187
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154
Cf. Abkai-Khavari 1988, 121 (F2c14 from Sardis) and 125 (F3c17 from Prokhorov ka,
155 Tallgren 1930, 116-118; Boardman 2003, 229, fig. 5.73.b.
156 Miller 1998, 43, fig. 11.
157 Schmidt 1957, pls. 53.2, 54.2.
158 Curtis & Tallis 2005, 113-114, nos. 99-100.
159 Curtis & Tallis 2005, 118, no. 111; Özgen & Öztürk 1996, 87 pp., nos. 33-35.
160 Cf. also a bowl on which can be seen unusual winged ibexes, which clearly do
not belong to court-style art; Akurgal 1967.
161 Moorey (1988, 234) calls the figure a heroŽ; likewise, Garrison & Cool Root 2001.
162 Cf., for example, the representations of Ahurmazda at Persepolis (Schmidt 1953,
pls. 75-78, 79, 160, for example); in ancient Near Eastern art particularly, the ring
and the staff … tools from the building trade for measuring foundation walls … are
163 For example, Schmidt 1953, pls. 121-123.
164 Nunn 2000, 237 with literature. Colour illustration: Curtis & Tallis 2005, 41, fig.
165 Ghirshman 1964, 215 pp., figs. 263-264, 266.
166 Pfrommer (1990, 200) prefers to use the label provincialŽ as typical of a periph-
eral region and not as an evaluation of quality. In my opinion, however, this term
always has negative connotations.
167
Further subdivisions into objects that exhibit both Achaemenid and autoch-
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The Classification of Objects from the Black Sea189
174 The bulge is the result of the original manufacturing technique for such vessels.
Both elements of the body of the vessel were joined and the join would have been
175 The
amphora from Panagyurishte is 29cm high, the amphora from Duvanli … even
style art, as shown above … is 27cm high.
176 Berlin 2007a, 125.
177 Occasionally in court-style art and more frequently in satrapal art
the waveŽ is
178 Hrouda 1965, psl. 9.10-12, 10.25, 10.34; Hussein & Suleiman 2000, no. 65.
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The Classification of Objects from the Black Sea191
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the Lowell Lectures at Boston
. New York.
Hind, J. 1989. The Inscriptions on the Silver Phialae and Jug from Rogozen, in:
B.F. Cook (ed.),
The Rogozen Treasure. Papers of the Anglo-Bulgarian Confer-
ence, 12 March 1987
Die Kulturgeschichte des assyrischen Flachbildes
Hussein, M.M. & A. Suleiman 2000.
Nimrud. A City of Golden Treasures
Jacobs, B. 2002. Achämenidische Kunst … Kunst im Achämenidenreich: Zur
Selbstdarstellung und der Verbreitung politischer Botschaften im Reich,
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Moorey, P.R.S. 1971.
Catalogue of the Ancient Persian Bronzes in the Ashmolean
Moorey, P.R.S. 1988. The Technique of Gold-figure Decoration on Achaemenid
Silver Vessels and its Antecedents,
Moorey, P.R.S. 1999.
Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries. The Archaeo-
Winona Lake.
Morgan, J. de 1905, Découverte dune sépulture achéménide à Susa, in: G.
Recherche archéologiques, troisième série
(Mémoires de la Dé-
légation en Perse 8). Paris, 23-44.
Muscarella, O.W. 1972. A Bronze Vase from Iran and its Greek Connections,
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Schmidt, E.F. 1953.
Persepolis I. Sculptures, Reliefs, Inscription
(Oriental Insitute
Schmidt, E.F. 1957.
Persepolis II. Contents of the Treasury and other Discoveries
Schmidt, E.F. 1970.
Persepolis III. The Royal Tombs and Other Monuments
(Ori-
National Treasures of Georgia
Speyer 2006a.
Das Persische Weltreich. Pracht und Prunk der Großkönige
(Begleit-
buch zur Ausstellung. Historisches Museum der Pfalz Speyer). Stuttgart.
Speyer 2006b.
Das Persische Weltreich. Pracht und Prunk der Großkönige
(Kata-
logheft zur Ausstellung. Historisches Museum der Pfalz Speyer). Speyer.
Strelkov, A.S. 1937. The Moscow Artaxerxes Cylinder Seal,
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Achaemenid Impact in Paphlagonia:
Rupestral Tombs in the Amnias Valley
Lâtife Summerer & Alexander von Kienlin
Introduction
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Achaemenid Impact in Paphlagonia197
trary of Amnias (fig. 1)
16
ground (fig. 2.3). The central part of the faade is a small portico with two
columns from the rear wall of the portico two small tomb chambers can be
entered through low doors on different levels; the chambers might derive
from different phases of use. The two chambers are connected by a narrow
door. The size and shape of the chambers differ: The one on the left side is
regularly cut and more spacious. The other is smaller and irregular. Both
chambers have barrel-vaulted ceilings with the stone surface trimmed to form
a smooth curve
17
. Inside the larger chamber, there is a roughly carved bench
and a more elaborate
kline
with decorated legs, presumably imitating wood-
turning. The chamber on the right side contains only a very roughly carved
mained unfinished
18
.
The second tomb is located at Salarky, some 30 km eastwards from Dona-
lar on the eastern bank of the river Amnias (fig. 1)
19
. It is as large as the Donalar
tomb, but more elaborate with a real gable, deeply carved pediment, three
ceiling of the porch was decorated with carved beams imitating a timbered
ceiling (fig. 11). The floor of the porch was paved with a black and white
pebble mosaic and there are traces of gray and red plaster at the back wall
of the porch
20
. The spacious chamber including two stone carved couches
Fig. 1 Map (after Debord 1999, 111 Carte 3)
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198
Fig. 2 Tomb Donalar, general view (photo Roy Hessing)
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Achaemenid Impact in Paphlagonia199
Fig. 4 Tomb Donalar (drawing Ingrid Dinkel)
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200
exhibits a wheel-shaped ceiling with eight spikes and a central hub (fig. 9).
As was the case in Donalar, on the cliff next to the Salarky Tomb there are a
rock-cut stepped tunnel and other cuttings in the rock as well as huge stone
blocks down below indicating a monumental fortification. Additionally, there
was a second tomb chamber to the Nordeast which has almost entirely col-
lapsed
21
.
The third tomb is located at Terelik where the Amnias flows into the river
Halys (fig. 1)
22
. It is cut into a steep rocky cliff high above the river valley. On
the sloping ground at the top of the cliff above it, there are remains of a forti-
worked area of the Salarky tomb (fig. 12.13). It is embellished with a carved
triple fascia only on the two sides. The three columns of the porch arise from
the reversed
echinus
-like bases. A door placed on the right side leads to an
irregular chamber with a stone-cut bench. A small window is placed left of
the door. Unlike the tombs at Donalar and Salarky, the Terelik Tomb lacks a
gable.
The common characteristic of all three tombs is the unusual shape of the
nificance. The squat columns arising from the
torus
-like bases with square
shaped plinths taper upwards. The shape of
tori
varies from being undercut
(fig. 6 Donalar, fig. 12 Terelik) to a rounded, nearly belly-like cross section
(fig. 11 Salarky). At Salarky and Terelik a fine ring (fig. 10.12), which is
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Achaemenid Impact in Paphlagonia201
reminiscent of the Ionic
apophyge
, separates the column shaft from the torus,
a feature which is missing at Donalar (fig. 6). The squat proportion of the
column shaft, however, is common to all three. At Donalar and Salarky the
columns are crowned by a narrow but bulging
echinoid
element and square
abacus
. Above, the column capitals at both tombs are carved as crouching
bulls. The bulls of the Salarky capitals are winged (fig. 10).
The columns of the tomb at Terelik are designed differently (fig. 12). They
are only crowned by flat
abaci
and lack capitals carrying the architrave. On
the architrave above the left column is roughly carved a protome-like figure,
which has been identified as an idol of a goddess, probably Cybele by both
Richard Leonhard and Hubertus von Gall (fig. 13)
23
. Von Galls reconstruction
of the figure, however, appears unproportional and therefore is not convincing.
Despite its rough relief style and ill state of preservation, it is possible instead
to recognise a crouching figure, and indeed, on the analogy of the two other
tombs, one might identify a crouching bull there. However, the clearly differ-
entiated head of the figure is human. It perhaps relates to a bull-man-capital,
well known from Persepolis
24
. The horizontally extended parts, identified by
of the bull similar to those at the Salarky tomb. The rectilinear cuttings above
the other two columns indicate that there, too, bull-man capital-like protomes
were inserted (visible on fig. 12); such bull-man protome inserts apparently
have collapsed.
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202
Fig. 7 Tomb Salarky general view (photo Alexander von Kienlin)
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Achaemenid Impact in Paphlagonia203
We can deduce therefore that above the coloums in the place of capitals
of all three tombs had the bull or bull-man capitals known from Achaemenid
architecture
25
. However, they differ from their Achaemenid prototype in ori-
entation, tectonics and iconography. The massive bull capitals from Darius
Palace in Susa are composed of two bull foreparts projecting right and left to
support the ceiling beam on their backs
26
. They support the cross timbres at
right angles over their their heads. The rock-cut faade of the royal tombs in
Naqsh-i-Rustam exhibits the same disposition (fig. 14)
27
.
This significant difference can be partly explained by the ignorance of
craftsmen of the weight-bearing function of bull-protome capitals in real
Achaemenid architecture. Probably, they knew only very generally of bull
namely rhyta with bull foreparts, might have served as more immediate
models. An example of such a rhyton, said to have been found at Sinope, is
preserved at the National Museum in Copenhagen (fig. 15)
28
. However, the
peculiar composition of the Paphlagonian columns and architrave may
also be explained as an attempt to combine Greek architectural features with
Achaemenid bull capitals.
Fig. 8 Tomb Salarky (drawing after von Gall 1966, 57 fig. 3)
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204
Fig. 9 Tomb Salarky (drawing after von Gall 1966, 58 fig. 4)
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Achaemenid Impact in Paphlagonia205
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206
immediate vicinity of Pompeiopolis. In 1960 when von Gall visited the region,
the tomb had already largely collapsed but a column was still visible. The
1960, the tomb featured a porch with a triple fascia and two columns. Its pre-
served capital comprised two different elements
29
: At the inner side double
spirals with scroll-shaped volutes similar to capitals of the Ionic order, but
more prominently on the outer side bull foreparts.
On the Paphlagonian tombs, the
echinus-
like capitals point to the influence
of the Greek Doric style. On the other hand, the combination of such capitals
with a
torus
base and the squat column shafts suggests an hybrid architecture
composed of local and foreign elements. The shape of the
torus
bases with
square plinths and belly-liked cross sections was apparently developed in
the Late Hittite period in Northern Syria and Anatolia, as they are attested
in Nurkanl and Zincirli
30
. Comparable bases with higher proportioned
tori

which have close
comparanda
in Cerablus were found scattered in Paphlago-
nia
31
. The torus bases were in use until the Hellenistic Period in Anatolia
32
.
The Late Hittite bases from Cerablus are similar to the Paphlagonian ones
in terms of their shape and size, but are usually carved with floral elements.
The Paphlagonian bases may have been decorated by painting. A torus base
vicinity of Pompeiopolis. On its upper surface there is a square flat depres-
sion with a round bolt hole in its center (fig. 16.17)
33
. This device suggests that
Fig. 12 Tomb Terelik general view (photo Alexander von Kienlin)
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Achaemenid Impact in Paphlagonia207
the base supported a wooden column. The squat proportions of the smooth
column shaft have no parallels in Greek or Achaemenid architecture. The
feature may have derived from wood columns in the local wooden building
tradition.
The triple fascia framing the colonnaded porches is a particularity of the
Paphlagonian tombs. At Terelik the triple fascia appears only at the sides
(fig. 12.13). In Greek architecture by contrast
34
, one would expect two antae
at the sides, which might also be defined as engaged pillars which supports
the architrave. The framing triple fascia deliberate evocation of Greek window
frames, tying perhaps into the location high up on the rock, that was possibly
not in use in combination with columns in real architecture.
At Terelik and Donalar the framing fascia marks the end of actual archi-
tectural construction but at Salarky a vast deep-cut gable tops the facade.
real sense of architecture (fig. 3). Remarkably, at the tomb Terelik a gable is
entirely omitted (fig. 12). A gable apparently did not belong within the main
repertoire of the Paphlagonian rock cut tombs. Rather it may have been used
as an architectural element to evoke a sense of Greekness. It appears on only
a few Paphlagonian tombs, usually in combination with a pediment pillar
and a central akroterion
35
.
All three tombs share common features, like having porches and the treat-
ment of the ceilings suggest wooden architecture: The ceilings of the
portici

must have existed in real contemporaneous buildings.
A special aspect of the Paphlagonian ceilings is that instead of single tim-
bers always a pair of timbers is featured, as to be seen at the tombs at Salarky
(fig. 7.8), Kastamonu
36
and A a Gneyky
37
. In the interstices of the beams
we find elongated coffer-like elements, which seem to render a ceiling con-
struction with battens and sheathings
38
covering and sheathing must have been filled with some isolating material
like bundles of straw. At Salarky a timber panelled ceiling of the porch ap-
pears immediately behind the gabled facade. The gabled faade and the low
pitched ceiling of the porticus have, however, different inclinations. Therefore
Fig. 13 Tomb Terelik (draw-
ing after von Gall 1966,
fig. 11a)
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Fig. 14 Achaemenid Tomb Naqsh i Rustam (Drawing after Boardman 2000, fig. 2.48)
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Achaemenid Impact in Paphlagonia209
tombs the purlin itself is not shown, but cut on the level of the wall. Two raf-
ters lying on the purlin are shown, but the roof itself is not rendered. A beam
from the lateral wall connects the lower ends of the rafters which have the
case it should be placed in a lower position. If we take the tomb facade as an
quality of the reliefs would suggest, then the rafters and wall beams must
have been jointed or strengthed with foot purlins; otherwise they would not
be displayed in the same level. Joineries and strengthenings at that position
suggest that a fixed, strong and pressure-tight joinery was intended, but in-
deed unnecessary for a woodwork roof construction.
From an examination of all roof representations, the following conclusion
for the Paphlagonian rock cut tombs can be drawn: An entire cross section of
the construction is shown on the front wall. It consists of a wall and an anchor,
a pediment pillar with principal purlin as well as two rafters of a pitched roof.
In addition, there is a wall beam in the function of a plate, which is connected
with rafters. Rafters at the level of the lower positioned wall beams of the
front wall should be considered as anchoring rafters embracing the whole
construction.
struction; thus they most probably refer to immediate prototypes in regional
house building. In contrast, the rock facades appear as a construction com-
Fig. 15 Silver Bull Protome (Photo
National Museum of Copenhagen)
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Ltife Summerer & Alexander von Kienlin
210
posed from isolated single elements without any precise reference to real
architecture. The interiors und facades of the tombs are by no means phased
tion: the tomb building tradition emphasized the outer facade as a bearer of
imaging while the interiors were considered as living rooms of the deceased.
The fact that all decorative elements including bull capitals are applied only
on the faade, i.e. directed to viewers, supports this conclusion.
The Sculptural Iconography
In general, the faade decoration of these three tombs differs from the other
rock cut tombs in Paphlagonia. They show a number of carved figures, mostly
consisting of paired heraldic animal emblems and a wrestling group.
Donalar has the most lavishly decorated faade in the Amnias Valley
(fig. 3.4). Its gable as well as both flanks of the porch are decorated with
monumental relief sculptures. The programme of the reliefs consists mostly of
smoothed surface in the lower part of the faade suggest that further figures
were planned, but were, however, not executed for unknown reasons.
At the apex of the pediment we see a huge eagle with extended wings.
Beneath it, there is a representation of a pair of confronting felines. Their
frontal faces indicate that they represent panthers rather than lions. Feline
Fig. 16 Torus Base in Ta kpr (Photo Roy Hessing)
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Achaemenid Impact in Paphlagonia211
Fig. 17 Torus
Base in Ta kpr
(Drawing Alexander
von Kienlin)
imagery was generally popular in funerary art
42
. Crouching or heraldic fe-
lines usually occur on the lintel or pediment of Anatolian grave monuments;
the composition of the Donalar Tomb finds its parallel on Phrygian rock-cut
graves
43
. Feline sculptures are not surprising on tombs in Anatolia, and they
could certainly play a role on the tomb as portal guardians, since they face
the viewer
44
.
Two huge rampant creatures, so-called lion-griffins, flanking the archi-
tectural frame, are shown in profile and with forelegs extending upwards
(fig. 3.4). Such horned and winged lion creatures are common in Achaeme-
nid art
45
well as scorpions tails
46
. The motif of the lion-griffin was adopted by Greek
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art with an entire lions body as shown in the figures of Donalar
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Achaemenid Impact in Paphlagonia213
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Ltife Summerer & Alexander von Kienlin
214
Chronology of the Tombs
Pascale Fourcade, who first discovered the Donalar tomb, suggested a date in
the Augustan period because of its vicinity to the Roman town Pompeiopolis
69
.
Unaware of this, Richard Leonhard dated the tomb very early, about 700 BC,
and the reliefs he dated later, to the early 4
th
century BC
70
. Ekrem Akurgal
placed the tomb at the end of the 5
th
century without any discussion
71
. Hu-
bertus von Gall proposes a more precise date in the very beginning of the 4
th

however, that they could date to the second half of the 5
th
century. He places
the tomb at the very beginning of the 4
th
century, assuming it was erected for
the Paphlagonian chief Korylas mentioned by Xenophon
72
.
For the three tombs presented here von Gall draws the following chrono-
logical sequence: He considers the tomb at Terelik to have been the earliest,
dating it in the second half of the 5
th
century BC
73
. He places the Salarky Tomb
in the second half of the 4
th
century BC, as the latest of the three tombs
74
. Ac-
cording to this chronological understanding the tombs are distributed over a
period of about hundred years: first Terelik, then Donalar and finally Salaky.
the Donalar tomb is arbitrary and the time spread unnecessary, but despite
Fig. 18 Relief Base from Afirz (Photo Alexander von Kienlin)
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Achaemenid Impact in Paphlagonia215
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Lâtife Summerer & Alexander von Kienlin
allusion to aggressive power and defensiveness implies guardianship.
The facades of the tombs do not reflect real buildings; rather they comprise
individual elements from both the regional woodwork building tradition
and foreign architecture conventions. The fact that all foreignŽ elements are
applied on the façade suggests that these were considered as representative.
hero seems to have become an emblem associated with virtues of leadership
suited to the priorities of the tomb owners who were possibly Paphlagonian
Especially the Persian aspects of the monuments make tighter affiliations to
the Persian sphere. The adoption of Persian architectural features and decora-
tion motifs supports the notion that the Achaemenid impact on Paphlagonia
was significant.
Another type of grave monument, also found in the Amnias Valley near
Afšrözü, emphasises stronger affiliation with Persian culture, but it is not clear
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Achaemenid Impact in Paphlagonia217
Akurgal 1961: E. Akurgal, Die Kunst Anatoliens. Von Homer bis Alexander
Boardman 2000: J. Boardman: Persia and the West. An archaeological inves-
tigation of the genesis of Achaemenid art (London 2000).
Borchhardt 2002: J. Borchhardt, 
Bossert 1942: H. Th. Bossert, Alt-Anatolien (Berlin 1942).
Briant 1996: P. Briant, Histoire de lempire perse. (Paris 1996).
Briant 2002: P. Briant, From Cyrus to Alexander. A History of the Persian Em-
pire (Winana Lake 2002).
Eine Tierkampfgruppe aus Sinope
Ž, AntPl 2, 1963, 55-74.
Debord 1999: P. Debord, LAsie Mineure au 4 éme a. C. siècle (Bordeaux 1999)
A site survey along the south shore of the Black Sea
in E. Akurgal (ed), The proceedings of the Xth International Congress of
Classical Archaeology (Ankara 1978), 245-258.
Donceel-Voûte 1984: P. Donceel-Voûte, 
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2
Lâtife Summerer & Alexander von Kienlin
Kortanlšolu 2008: Hellenistik ve Roma Dalšk Phrigya Bölgesi Kaya Mezarlarš
Lauffer 1979: S. Lauffer, Die Bergsklaven von Laureion (Wiesbaden 1979).
Lauriola 2006: R. Lauriola, Athena and the Paphlagonias in Aristophanes
Knights. Re-considering Equites 1090-5, 1172-81Ž, Mnemosyne 2006, vol.
Law 1991: R. Law, The slave coast of West Africa, 1550-1750: the impact of the
c
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2
Achaemenid Impact in Paphlagonia219
Tuplin 2004: Ch. Tuplin The Persian EmpireŽ in: R. Lane Fox (ed.), The Long
March: Xenophon and the Ten Tousend (New Have-London 2004) 154-183.
Tuplin 2007: Ch. Tuplin, A Foreigners Perspektive: Xenophon in AnatoliaŽ in:
I. Delemen (ed.), The Achaemenid Impact on Local Population and Cultures in
Anatolia (6th-4th B.C.) International Workshop Istanbul, May 19 … 22 May. 2005
Vedder 1985: U. Vedder, Untersuchungen zur plastischen Ausstattung attischer
Grabanlagen des 4. Jhs. v. Chr. (Frankfurt am Main 1985).
For discussions and critical reading of a preliminary draft of this paper we owe
thanks to W. Koenigs, M. Miller and H. Philipp.
2 Their language would appear, from Strabos (12, 3, 89) testimony, to have been
distinctive. Cf. Marek 1993, 14.
3 Homer, Iliad, 2.851-852; Strabo 12, 3. 8; Pliny, Natural History, 3, 130.
4 Briant 2002, 642.
5 Debord 1999, 110-115.
6 Briant 1996, 718-720; Debord 1999, 110-115; Tuplin 2004, 178; Tuplin 2007, 25.
7 Recently on this topic: Tuplin 2007, 24-28.
8 According to Xenophon (Hell. 4.1.12-15.) the Paphlagonian ruler Othys married
the daughter of the disloyal Persian Spithridates. Debord 1999, 113; Briant 2002,
642; Tuplin 2007, 25.
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Lâtife Summerer & Alexander von Kienlin
27 Schmidt 1970; von Gall 1989, 503-523. However, Seidl 2003, 67-75 has recently
from Persepolis and argued that the bull protomes of the capitals in the Achae-
menid porches were directed to the viewer. In her oppinion the representation of
the bull capitals on the Achaemeind Tombs in Naqsh-i-Rustam are shown from
the side view according to a convention of Oriental art showing figures from
28 Summerer 2003, 27 fig. 7.
29 von Gall 1966, pl. 14, 1-2. For the present consevation of the tomb see: Karasaliholu
30 Naumann 1971, 134-137. fig. 145. 146
31 Naumann 1971,. 137, fig. 150. 151. Recently some small size sandstone torus bases
were found at Kerkenes Da: Summers 2003, fig. 7.
32 cf. the torus base without plinth with fluted column shaft from Zincirli: Naumann
33 von Gall 1966, 113-116 considered this base and others as CippiŽ or PhalloiŽ
on the top of the
34 for example the Royal tombs at Persepolis: von Gall 1989, 506.
35 von Gall 1966, pl. 6.7.11.15, 4.
36 von Gall 1966, 65-73.
37 von Gall 1966, 24, Abb.24.
38 See also the panneld ceiling of the Phyrgian Tomb Gerdekkayasi in the province
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Achaemenid Impact in Paphlagonia221
confirms the presence of the unicorn in palaces in Persepolis giving reference
57 Tagliatesta 2007, 177 explains the renaissaince of the unicorne in the Middle Byz-
antine Art with the fact that Photios, the patriarch of Constantinople, collected in
centuray AD the lost books of ancient authors including
58 von Gall 1966, 83 Taf. 9, 4.
59 see for example the temple palace at Tell Halaf: Naumann 1971, fig. 546.
60 Leonhard 1915, pl. 25.
61 von Gall 1966, fig. 1.
62 Summerer 2009.
63 Felten 1990, 16-18; B. Kaeser in: Herakles 2003, 69-84; Summerer 2009.
64 Felten 1990, 22-25; B. Kaeser in: Herakles 2003, fig. 10.42.
65 Felten 1990, Nr. 1851-1881; B. Kaeser in: Herakles 2003, fig. 10.31-10.37.
66 Summerer 2009.
67 Kaeser 2003, 81 fig. 10.36.
68 Felten 1990, Nr. 1821; 1871-1824; 1956-1961; Pracht und Prunkt der Großkönige.
Das Persische Weltreich (Stuttgart 2006) 84, cat. 46; B. Kaeser in: Herakles 2003,
69 Fourcade 1811, 39.
70 Leonhard 1915, 257. Bossert 1942, 85 and Gökolu 1952, 71 agree with these dates.
71 Akurgal 1961, 109.
72 von Gall 1966, 55-56.
73 von Gall 1966, 88.
74 von Gall 1966, 65.
75 Summerer 2009.
76 Donceel-Voute 1984, 101-118; Summerer 2003, 20.
77 The Paphlagonian slaves were numbrous at Athens in the late 5
the Aristophanes comedy KnightsŽ as a typical slave a Paphlagonian stands in
for Cleon who has been terrorizing the other slaves: Lauriola 2006, 75-94.
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired
Goldware and Silverware, Jewellery
and Arms and their Imitations to the
North of the Achaemenid Empire£
Mikhail Treister
1. Introduction
Some recent studies devoted to the history of the Kingdom of Bosporus ad-
vance a thesis about the political independence of the early Bosporan Kingdom
from the Achaemenid Empire, primarily based on the passage by Diodoros
about the rule of Archaenactidae, placed in the chapter devoted to events in
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Mikhail Treister
The rhyton is traditionally considered to be the
product of an Achaemenid workshop located in Iran and is dated to the fifth
compares it with four other rhyta, including
that with a bull protome from Borovo in Thrace,
a rhyton on the antiquities
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware225
Fig. 1. A silver rhyton from the Seven Brothers barrow no. 4. State Hermitage, inv. SBr
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226
glazed bricks from Susa,
34
as well as on a silver-gilt bowl from the so-called
second part of the Oxus Treasure
35
and some other examples without prov-
enance, such as a silver hemispherical bowl with gold appliqus in the Miho
Museum.
36
The vessel from Kukova Mogila, given its characteristic shape, belongs to
a class of vessels represented both by actual finds and depicted on the reliefs
from Persepolis.
37
The amphora-rhyton from Kukova Mogila is generally rec-
ognized as being executed in a purely Achaemenid style.
38
Another, once in
Sinop and Trabzon.
39
A third, in the G. Ortiz Collection in Geneva comes from
a treasure found in about 1970 in the area of Sinop.
40
It is worth noting that
vessels of a similar shape are shown in the hands of the members of Delega-
tion VI, the Lydians,
41
and Delegation III, the Armenians.
42
According to B.
Filow,
43
the depiction of similar vessels in the hands of members of different
Fig. 2. A silver rhyton from the Seven Brothers barrow no. 4. State Hermitage, inv. SBr
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware227
delegations points to the fact that they were not regional types, but rather
belonged to the type adopted by the Achaemenid court, and they could have
been manufactured in workshops situated on the coasts of Asia Minor.
Also,
M. Pfrommer, gave him grounds to suggest that both the vessel from Kukova
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228
Fig. 3. A sword from the Chertomlyk barrow and the main elements of its decoration. State
Hermitage, inv. Dn 1863 1/448 (photo after Cat. New York 2000, no. 163).
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware229
and to identify it as an Achaemenid product.
V.G. Lukonin dated it to the
fifth century BC, suggesting that the hilt overlay was hammered by a Median
The suggestion
that an originally Achaemenid sword was reworked
in Scythia in the fourth century BC is indirectly proved by the technological
observations made by R.S. Minasyan. Minasyan has, however, stated that the
final proof concerning the secondary use of the swords hilt may be reached
only after study of the inner surface, up to now unavailable for examinationŽ.
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Mikhail Treister
230
Although its shape and the horizontal fluting of the horn correspond to those
of Achaemenid rhyta, the treatment of the protome, decorated with circles with
dots inside, is not characteristic of Achaemenid rhyta. Rather, it finds parallels
on items of the Graeco-Scythian style,
68
for instance, on a gold overlay with
images of two rams from the Scythian barrow of the mid-fourth century BC
in Gajmanova Mogila.
69
Thus, the rhyton from Kul-Oba should be considered
as a local Bosporan imitation of rhyta of Achaemenid type.
2.4. Objects of the Achaemenid circle
Deep Achaemenid bowls from the Solokha and Zhirnyj barrows. Phiale from
the tumulus on Mount Zelenskaja
A.Yu. Alekseev attributes to the items made in the so-called Graeco-Ach-
Fig. 4. A silver rhyton from Kul-Oba. State Hermitage, inv. KO 104 (photo after Cat. New
York 2000, no. 147).
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232
Greece by the early fourth century.
91
M. Pfrommer
92
maintains that the phiale
from the Zelenskoi tumulus is executed in the late Achaemenid tradition
and he compares it with the pre-Ptolemaic phiale from the Tuch el-Karamus
Treasure. Indeed, the shape of the Tuch el-Karamus phiale
93
is similar to that
of the Zelenskoi phiale. Among the phialae from Tuch el-Karamus, a vessel
94
is seen on a bronze phiale from Ur, with a very similar profile,
95
on a silver
phiale from the Oxus Treasure
96
and more often on some silver bowls of simi-
lar shape from Thrace.
97
3. Achaemenid objects and earlier Near Eastern finds in the north Pontic area
Thus, the six finds discussed above are the only examples of: (a) toreutics of
Achaemenid style (the handle of the Chertomlyk sword); (b) Achaemenid-
inspired objects (the rhyton from the Seven Brothers barrow no. 4, the bowls
from the Solokha, Zhirnyj and Zelenskoj barrows); and (c) imitations of the
Achaemenid style (the rhyton from Kul-Oba) found in the north Pontic area.
Their volume is much less than the number of Near Eastern toreutic items
of the eighth to seventh century BC found in the Kelermes barrows in the
utensils, which were most probably used by the Scythians in a way other
Fig. 5. A bronze bowl from the central burial of Solokha. State Hermitage, inv. Dn 1912
1/54 (photo after Mantsevich 1987, 39, no. 12).
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware233
than originally intended. The majority of the other toreutic items found in
the Kelermes barrows, arms (a sword, a ceremonial axe, decorative plates of
shields and quivers), vessels (a bowl and rhyta) and a mirror, were rather
items of Urartian, Iranian and Asia Minor origin made for Scythian custom-
ers
98
in the second to third quarters of the seventh century BC.
99
According to
L.K. Galanina, several such workshops could have existed in the Near East.
100

However, repeated stylistic elements on the items, executed in various artistic
traditions,
101
rather speak in favour of a single workshop, in which crafts-
workshop, uniting toreuts from Urartu, Iran, Lydia and Ionia, could have
operated at the headquarters of the Scythian kings during their raids in the
Near East, although the suggestion of the possible location of this workshop
at the Scythian headquarters in the Kuban area has also been raised.
102
In addition, fragmentary silver rhyta of the late seventh to early sixth
century BC, most probably of the pre-Achaemenid period, were found in the
early Scythian barrows in the Don area (Krivorozhe)
103
and the forest-steppe
of Ukraine (Ljubotin barrow no. 2).
104
They originally looked similar to the
rhyta from Marash in Syria
105
and Filippovka in southern Ural.
106
Fig. 6. A bronze bowl from Zhirnyj barrow near Stanitsa Temizhbekovskaja. Krasnodar
Museum (photo after Anfimov 1966, 22, fig. 5).
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Mikhail Treister
234
4. Patterns of distribution of Achaemenid finds
4.1. The Black Sea area and Caucasus
Another question concerns the various patterns of distribution of Achaeme-
nid finds. The rhyton with a winged-ibex protome, which may be attributed
to an Asia Minor workshop, worked in the Achaemenid style in the second
quarter of the fifth century BC, is the only item executed in this style found
in the rich burial of the Seven Brothers barrow no. 4. The barrow is dated to
the middle to the third quarter of the fifth century, and yielded both toreutic
items of supposedly Attic workmanship, a silver cup with gilded engraved
images (Nike sitting on a stool with carved legs)
107
dated to ca. 470 BC, and
items of local Bosporan workshops, including other rhyta.
108
Similar toreutic
items worked in the Achaemenid style are represented, for instance, by the
above-mentioned amphora-rhyton from Kukova Mogila in Thrace,
109
whose
burial
110
is more or less synchronous to that of the Seven Brothers barrow no.
4, or the rhyton with a bull protome
111
from the so-called Borovo Treasure of
the first half of the fourth century BC.
112
It is worth noting that the small quantity of toreutic items in the Achae-
menid style from the north Pontic area contrasts to the rather numerous dis-
tribution of seals, both cylinder and scaraboid, of Graeco-Persian type. They
originate, primarily, from the necropoleis of the Bosporan Kingdom, first of all
Pantikapaion, with separate finds in one of the Seven Brothers barrows and
from Chersonesos (see Appendix 1) (Fig. 8). Remarkable also is the fact that
such seals are practically unknown in the Scythian barrows of the Dnieper
basin,
113
where, for instance in Chertomlyk, there are known finds of gold
finger bezelrings with engraved images of east Greek type.
114
In the north
Pontic area, four of 14 seals originating from reliable contexts are cylinder
seals, which were used in the Achaemenid Empire from the reign of Dareios
Fig. 7. A silver phiale from the barrow on Mount Zelenskaja, tomb no. 3. State Hermitage,
negative no. 15204).
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware235
I for sealing royal documents.
115
At the same time, some of the seals found in
the area of the Bosporan Kingdom were most probably cut in western Ana-
tolia, primarily in Lydia, where numerous examples of Achaemenid-type
seals have been found. Noteworthy is the comparison of the motif of a pair
of confronting winged griffins on a scaraboid with a Lydian inscription from
Fig. 8. The distribution of Graeco-Persian seals of the fifth to fourth century BC in the
Crimea and the Kuban area (map M. Treister).
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Mikhail Treister
Pantikapaion
with the motif of a pyramidal stamp seal from Ikiztepe
Also, the loops of the scarabs from Nymphaion and Seven Brothers barrow
in Lydia.
On the other hand, neither in Scythia nor in the Cimmerian Bosporus was
jewellery of the Achaemenid style found. This situation contrasts sharply with
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware237
that this is the earliest of the vessels found in Filippovka it may be tenta-
tively dated to the late sixth to the first half of the fifth century BC and can
be attributed as an item of an Iranian (Luristan?) workshop.
A silver amphora-rhyton (Fig. 10) from burial no. 4 of barrow no. 4/2006
136

belongs to the same class of vessels as a piece from Kukova Mogila, which
has already been discussed briefly above.
137
The decoration of the vessels
of the Russian Academy of Sciences, inv. 831/384 (photo after Cat. New York 2000, no. 93).
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238
on vessels of unknown origin in the Pomerance Collection
138
and the Berlin
Museum.
139
The closest parallel to the handle showing an ibex occurs on a
vessel in the Ortiz Collection.
140
A similar silver handle showing a bull figure
with its head turned back (but without a spout) originates from the treasure
of a toreut found in Babylon and dates to the middle of the first quarter of
the fourth century BC.
141
Given the distribution of such vessels, both actual
artefacts and depictions,
142
there are good reasons to date the amphora-rhyton
from Filippovka from the mid-fifth to the early fourth century BC and to con-
sider it as derived from an Asia Minor workshop.
The closest parallel in shape to the silver-gilt tulip-shaped rhyton (Fig. 11)
from cache no. 2 in barrow no. 1
143
conical basin, from treasure no. 2 found in the early 20th century in Panderma
in the western Asia Minor. The body of this cup is horizontally fluted, the
incised frieze on the upper part of the body is composed of alternate circles
derma give reason to consider it as inspired by the lydion shape and to date
it tentatively to ca. 400 BC, considering it as an item of a Lydian workshop.
144

Fig. 10. A silver amphora
from burial no. 4, barrow no.
4 in Filippovka. Orenburg,
Local Lore Museum, inv.
19064 (photo after Jablonskij
& Meshcherjakov 2007, col.
pl. 1).
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware239
nelumbo
) is a characteristic element of the
known also outside of its borders, for instance in Asia Minor,
145
Macedonia
and Thrace.
146
The feature of gilt elements alternating with similar ones in
silver colour is characteristic of items of toreutics of the first half of the fourth
century BC, for example the phiale said to have been found in Akarnania
147

and those from the Rogozen Treasure,
148
as well as the above-mentioned jugs
from the Rogozen Treasure.
149
Thus, the vessel from Filippovka may be most
probably dated within the period the late fifth/early fourth century BC to the
first half of the fourth century BC and considered as the product of a work-
shop located in western Asia Minor or Thrace.
A silver rhyton with a bull protome (Fig. 12) from cache no. 2 in barrow
no. 1
150
finds its nearest parallel in the above-mentioned find from Borovo
151

and is probably an item manufactured in the first half of the fourth century
BC in the workshop of the quarters of the king of the Odryssian dynasty.
A vessel with a flat-bottom, egg-shaped body, decorated with concentric
incised lines, encrusted with gold wire, with a short neck widening towards
the out-turning lip (Fig. 13) from cache no. 1 of barrow no. 1
152
most probably
imitates the form of the lydion, a silver vessel of that shape
153
which is known
also in Lydian pottery
154
originating from looters excavations of the Ikiztepe
barrow in eastern Lydia.
The encrustation of grooves with gold wire is a feature unknown, up till
Fig. 11. A silver-gilt rhyton from cache no. 2, barrow no. 1 in Filippovka. Ufa, Museum of
of the Russian Academy of Sciences, inv. 831/388 (photo after Cat. New York 2000, no. 95).
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Mikhail Treister
240
now, on items of toreutics of the Achaemenid circle. Though some of the
Achaemenid silver vessels bear gold inlays, they are made in the form of
thin gold plates, inserted in grooves in the walls.
155
At the same time, we see
Fig. 12. A silver rhyton from cache no. 2, barrow no. 1 in Filippovka. Ufa, Museum of
of the Russian Academy of Sciences, inv. 831/386 (photo after Cat. New York 2000, no. 94).
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware241
motifs in gold wire or narrow strips of gold inlaid in silver on some items of
Thracian toreutics dated to the first half to the middle of the fourth century
BC.
156
We cannot define precisely the centre of manufacture of the vessel from
Filippovka or its exact date.
Fig. 13. A silver gold-inlaid vessel with flaring neck from cache no. 1, barrow no. 1 in
Studies, Ufa Scientific Centre of the Russian Academy of Sciences, inv. 831/387 (photo
after Cat. New York 2000, no. 19).
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242
4.2.1.2. Vessels from Prokhorovka
Special studies devoted to the vessels from Prokhorovka allow me to avoid rep-
157
One of the phialae found in barrow no. 1 (Fig. 14)
158

may be dated to the second half of the fifth century BC, a second phiale from
barrow no. 1 (Fig. 15)
159
and the cup from barrow B (Fig. 16)
160
belong to the
second half of the fourth century BC.
turing centre of the earlier phiale (Fig. 14), though parallels to its shape and
decoration permit an attribution to the class of vessels which were broadly
used in various satrapies of the Achaemenid Empire. From that point of view,
item of Achaemenid international style.
The later phiale (Fig. 15), kept in Orenburg, was supposedly manufactured
in Alexandria. The peculiar features of its shape and decoration testify that
Fig. 14. A silver phiale from Prokhorovka, barrow no. 1. Alma-Ata, National Museum of
Kazakhstan, inv. KP 3986 (photo after Cat. Mantua 1998, no. 456).
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware243
Fig. 15. A silver phiale from Prokhorovka, barrow no. 1. Orenburg, Local Lore Museum,
inv. 47/3 (photo courtesy of L.T. Jablonskij).
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244
Fig. 16. A silver-gilt cup from Prokhorovka, barrow B, burial no. 3. Orenburg, Local Lore
Museum, inv. 18873/1148 (photo courtesy of L.T. Jablonskij).
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware245
that is rather an Achaemenid-inspiredŽ item, executed in an early Hellenistic
workshop, and one of the numerous articles executed also after the disintegra-
tion of the Achaemenid Empire in the territories of the former satrapies.
For the AchaemenidŽ bowls of the so-called Macedonian type, to which,
given its shape, the cup from barrow B (Fig. 16) is rather close, a different
decoration of the lower part of the body and the bottom is characteristic. Nei-
floral patterns with ivy leaves.
The MacedonianŽ bowls have rather stan-
two bowls of somewhat different shape, with much more elongated necks:
one of these bowls originates from south Italy,
the other from Thrace.
The
lower parts of both bowls have vertical fluting, similar to those of the Mace-
the so-called Achaemenid bowls of Macedonian type, the dimensions and
ture outside of Macedonia. However, given the peculiarity of its decoration,
we do not possess data which would allow for a more precise localization of
its workshop.
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Mikhail Treister
246
Fig. 17. A gold torque from Filippovka, barrow no. 4, burial no. 4. Orenburg, Local Lore
Museum, inv. 19066 (photo courtesy of L.T. Jablonskij).
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware247
170
Comparable images of caprids decorate fragmen-
tary gold torques from the Oxus Treasure
171
and a piece now in Brooklyn.
172

The modelling of the back legs in low relief with cells for inlays on the hoops
minals from Da Kzlca Ky near Manisa
173
and from the Oxus Treasure.
174

Also, the decoration of the ribbed hoop of the torque from Filippovka with
transverse grooves (Fig. 17) finds numerous parallels in jewellery of Achae-
menid style.
175
At the same time, Achaemenid-style seals are almost unknown,
Museum, inv. 19105-19106 (photo courtesy of L.T. Jablonskij).
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248
except for the find from barrow no. 2 near Pokrovka of a conical chalcedony
stamp showing the king in a struggle with a lion.
176
A gold plaque with cloisonn decoration, showing a bearded man wear-
female Sarmatian burial no. 1 of Filippovka barrow no. 15/2004.
177
Its closest
parallel originates from Yozgat in Turkey.
178
Another piece of unknown origin
is kept in the State Hermitage Museum.
179
Both plaques were originally parts
of some complicated ornament, like a pectoral, which is now kept in Miho
Museum.
180
The similarity of these objects, in terms of the images, style and
decorative technique, with the gold roundels from Susa
181
and an earring
once in the Norbert Schimmel Collection
182
is evident. The burial excavated
in 1901 on the acropolis of Susa was previously dated to the very end of the
Achaemenid period, based on the date of coins that were minted at Arad on
183
However, the coins and,
correspondingly, the tomb itself and the jewellery it yielded were recently
redated to the late fifth century BC.
184
4.2.3. Arms
The silver handle of a knife, decorated with a stag protome with gold-inlaid
185
It finds a
close parallel in a hippopotamus ivory knife handle found in a tumulus at
to ca. 480-460 BC.
186
Its Achaemenid inspiration is further confirmed by the
outlined beard leading to the ears and, especially, by the typical representa-
tion of the animals hindquarters in relief, as we see on some of the Achae-
menid rhyta,
187
on the majority of amphora-rhyta
188
and in jewellery.
189
At
the same time, the treatment of individual elements of the image (the eyes,
from the characteristic canons of Achaemenid-style art. Although the silver
figures of animals in the round which were used primarily as vessel handles
are often additionally inlaid with gold,
190
the decoration of the knife handle
from Filippovka differs from these in the shape of the gold inlays, which are
comparable with the gold-inlaid decoration on the iron swords, quiver hooks
and knife from Filippovka
191
and on the dagger from the princely Saka burial
in Issyk barrow in Kazakhstan.
192
The suggestion that this technique had
early roots with the Eurasian nomads is corroborated by its use already in the
Fig. 19. A gold inlaid plaque from Filippovka, barrow no. 15, burial
no. 1. Orenburg, Local Lore Museum, inv. 18980/73 (photo courtesy
of L.T. Jablonskij).
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware249
seventh century BC, based on the evidence of the decoration of an axe
from barrow Arzhan-2 in south Siberia. Thus, it is evident that
of the Achaemenid international style, although it was inspired by such an
item, most probably of Asia Minor manufacture in the first half of the fifth
century BC. We do not know who created this knife handle. The peculiarities
have been manufactured either in a provincial Achaemenid workshop where
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Achaemenid style find their way into Cimmerian Bosporus and Sindike not
later than the middle of the fifth century BC, during the rule of Artaxerxes
I. Most of the cylinder seals and scaraboids, whose provenance is known to
us (Fig. 8), originate from the fourth century burials. However, the earliest
burial complex containing such a find … the tomb of a warrior excavated in
Nymphaion in 1876 (see Appendix 1, no. 9) … is dated already to the first half
contacts of the Achaemenid Empire, for which, in the period discussed … the
last stage of the Graeco-Persian Wars before the Kallias Peace (449 BC) … the
strengthening their positions in the basin of the Black Sea could have a certain
interest? Although the material in our possession does not give any grounds
below). In any case, we have a striking similarity in the distribution patterns
of the Achaemenid seals of the fifth to fourth centuries BC and the bronze
finger rings of the late third century BC of Ptolemaic type in the north Pontic
which can hardly be coincidental.
There are also several examples of bronze and silver phialae of Achaemenid
types, found both in the early burial of the royal Scythian barrow of Solokha
(Fig. 5) as well as in the fourth century BC burials on the Taman peninsula
(Zelenskaya Gora: Fig. 7) and in the Kuban area (Zhirnyi barrow: Fig. 6). The
Achaemenid style were known in the north Pontic area and were even imi-
The various patterns of distribution of Achaemenid goldware and sil-
verware and jewellery by the early Sarmatian tribes of the south Ural area
torque, executed in the Achaemenid style, and a silver rhyton) contained
an alabastron with a quadralingual inscription with the name of Artaxeres,
most probably Artaxerxes I,
and the most plausible explanation, accord-
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware251
of the fourth century BC manufactured by craftsmen of the eastern Mediter-
ranean and the Balkans) found different ways to the Sarmatians of the south
Ural region.
One explanation with regard to the finds of silver vessels in Prokhorovka
is the suggestion that the Sarmatians could have acquired them during the
plundering of the Macedonian transport.
206
This hypothesis is based on the
passages in Diodoros and Curtius Rufus which state that the Dachoi and Mas-
near Arbellae (Diod. 17.59; Curt. 4.15.1-12).
207
To my mind, this is a plausible
explanation of the finds of parts of objects and the dense distribution of vari-
ous categories of objects, a considerable number of which was reworked or
used in a way other than the original function. In any case, the same way via
Dachoi is suggested by A.S. Balakhvantsev and L.T. Jablonskij for the silver
bowl found in Prokhorovka barrow B (Fig. 16).
208
Appendix 1. Achaemenid seals in the north Pontic area
209
Seals which are more or less contemporary with the date of the burials in
which they have been found have been identified in Seven Brothers barrow
no. 3 (no. 9). The barrow is allegedly associated with the latest Sindian king,
Hekateios.
210
Also, both finds from Nymphaion (nos. 10-11) seem to be more
or less close in date to those of the respective burials. However, some of the
seal finds originate from distinctly later complexes, for instance, a scaraboid
(no. 7) which is dated to the first half of the fourth century BC was found in
a rather modest female burial on the Mithridates mound in Kerch dated to
the late fourth to early third century BC. A fifth to fourth century BC seal (no.
12) was found in the burial of the 3rd Dame in Bolshaja Bliznitsa tumulus,
which is also dated to the late fourth to early third century BC. A fourth cen-
tury BC scaraboid (no. 6) was found in a cremation dated to the first half of
the third century BC. Two early fourth century seals (nos. 1, 2) originate from
a destroyed female burial in a wooden sarcophagos in a barrow at Stanitsa
Fig. 20. The distribution of
Achaemenid and Achaemenid-
the Achaemenid Empire (map M.
Treister).
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Blagoveshchenskaja near Anapa, which is dated to the mid-third century BC;
(no. 13) were in secondary use.
1. Blagoveshchenskaja near Anapa, a barrow, excavated by V.G. Tiesenhau-
Cylinder seal. A Persian, wearing a tiara, stands with raised hands facing a
radiate goddess, standing on a lions back. The Arndt Group. Surely cut
in Anatolia (Boardman 2000, 165).
Blue chalcedony.
a wooden sarcophagos, see Sokolskij 1969, 29-31, no. 21 with bibliography.
State Hermitage, inv. ¥. 1882.55.
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware253
State Hermitage, inv. ¦. 1842.112.
: Reinach 1892, 59, pl. XVI.5-6; Nikulina 1994, fig. 426; Cat. St Pe-
5. Kerch, excavations at the Pavlovskaya battery by A.B. Ashik in 1842. Cist
tomb with a female burial in a wooden sarcophagos.
Scaraboid. Two sphinxes sitting in crowns, over them a Lydian inscription.
Court style. West Anatolian stamp seal (Boardman 2000, 166).
: late fifth century BC (Boardman 1970, 37, n. 98). About
mirror, alabaster).
State Hermitage, inv. ¦. 1842.111.
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: Reinach 1892, 60, pl. XVII.9; Maximowa 1928, 669, fig. 23; Neverov
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware255
11. Nymphaion, barrow no. 5/1868, female burial.
Scaraboid. A winged lion, standing on its hind paws.
Chalcedony.
Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, inv. AN 1885. 491.
: Vickers 1979, 44, pl. 14b-c; Boardman 2001, pl. 838; Vickers 2002,
Great Bliznitsa tumulus, the so-called burial of the 3rd DameŽ, excavated
Octogan seal. Persian king in a struggle with a lion. Court style.
Chalcedony, flattened hoop.
Schwarzmaier 1996, 136).
State Hermitage, inv. §§. 123.
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Chalcedony.
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware257
£ I would like to express my gratitude to Leonid Jablonskij (Institute of Archaeol-
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26 Waldbaum 1983, no. 973, pl. 57. On parallels in the Lydian pottery repertoire, see
also Waldbaum 1983, 148.
27 Miller 1993, 126, pl. 29.1.
28 Calmeyer 1993, 132, pl. 45 (top).
29 Vickers 2000. See the fragment of the relief with Delegation XV: Calmeyer 1993,
136-137, pl. 47 (below); Cat. London 2005, 106, fig. 47 (Parthians or Bactrians).
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware259
51 Maximova 1928, 665-666, fig. 22; Ghirshman 1964, 358, fig. 463; Artamonow 1970,
pls. 183-184; Cat. New York 1975, 108, no. 67; Lukonin 1977, 77 (ill.), Alekseev
1984; Chernenko 1984, 48-50, fig. 25; Galanina & Grach 1986, pl. 220; Alekseev
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Mikhail Treister
1981, no. 16, pls. 8-9; Dschwachischwili & Abramischwili 1986, figs. 13-14; Lord-
kipanidze 1989, col. pl. XIII; Chkonia 1990, 291; Tchkonia 1990, 262, 304, fig. 18;
5; Vani 9 1996, pl. 9 (below right); konia 2002, 269-270; Korolkova 2003, 54, fig.
78 Anfimov 1966, 22, fig. 5.
79 Pfrommer 1987, 52-54, 241-245.
80 Pfrommer 1987, 53, 243, KaBT13.
81 Pfrommer 1987, 243, KaBT17. A.P. Mantsevich (1987, 39) compares the shape of
the bowl from Solokha with those from Raduvene, which seems erroneous.
82 Cat. Cologne 1979, 117, no. 220; Pfrommer 1987, 244, KaBT20; Cat. Montreal 1987,
175-177, nos. 261, 264, 268. See also a similar bowl of unknown provenance in
83 Çokay-Kepçe 2006, 152, no. MT1, 184.
84 Pfrommer 1987, 220, KaB A 68-70, pl. 42c-d; Cat. London 2005, 117, nos. 106-108.
85 Pharmakowsky 1913, 185-186, fig. 14; Shkorpil 1916, 30, fig. 16; Luschey 1939, 78,
no. 34; Maksimova 1979, 72, 74, fig. 23, A2; Pfrommer 1987, 155, n. 1013; Abkai-
Khavari 1988, 106, 122, F2C16; Treister 2003, 58-60, fig. 7.
86 Themelis & Touratsoglou 1997, B 18-19, pls. 66-7; Tsigarida & Ignatiadou 2000,
87 Delemen 2006, 260-261, fig. 9.
88 Strong 1966, 99; von Bothmer 1984, 47, no. 75; Sideris 2000, 17, 19.
89 Cat. New York 1992, 244, no. 170; Cat. London 2005, 178, no. 277.
90 Cat. Toledo 1977, no. 12; von Bothmer 1984, no. 79; Pfrommer 1987, 249, KBk 19,
91 Strong 1966, 99.
92 Pfrommer 1987, 154-155, n. 1013.
93 Pfrommer 1987, 267, pls. 11, 14a, KTK 8.
94 Pfrommer 1987, 267, KTK 10, pl. 13b.
95 Woolley 1962, 105, pl. 32, no. 9; Abkai-Kavari 1988, 121-122, F2C8.
96 Dalton 1964, 9, no. 19, pl. V; Cat. London 2005, 116, no. 105.
97 See, in general, Archibald 1998, 262-264, figs. 11.2-3, 319-321. Alexandrovo: one
of the bowls is additionally decorated with a silver-gilt medallion in the interior
(Cat. Montreal 1987, 204, no. 335; Cat. Venice 1989, no. 143/2; Cat. Florence 1997,
no. 191; Archibald 1998, 319, pls. 19-20); the other is inscribed as a gift of Cotys
I, 383-359 BC (Cat. Montreal 1987, 204, no. 334; Cat. Venice 1989, no. 143/1; Cat.
Florence 1997, no. 190; Archibald 1998, 319, pl. 21). Stjanovo (formerly Raduvene):
Cat. Montreal 1987, 176, no. 265; Cat. Venice 1989, no. 142/2; Archibald 1998, 320,
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware261
101 Kisel 2003, 100-103.
102 Vakhtina 2000, 57-58.
103 Mantsevich 1958a, 196-202; Kisel 2003, 80-83, 133, no. 41; Alekseev 2003, 382, fig.
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware263
129 Total of five vessels: three from cache no. 2 in barrow no. 1; one from cache no.
130 Total of three vessels: two from barrow no. 1; and one from barrow B.
131 See n. 49.
132 Saveleva & Smirnov 1972, 115, fig. 5.
133 Cat. New York 2000, 152-153, no. 93; Cat. Milan 2001, 240-241, no. 204; Cat. Mos-
cow 2003, 18 above; Treister 2008, 160-162, fig. 7.
134 Cat. Vienna 2000, 200, 204-205, no. 116.
135 It is maintained that originally the treasure consisted of ca. 360 silver vessels,
some of which found their way to different museums in Iran. Several pieces are
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147 Cat. Toledo 1977, 42, no. 12.
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware265
167 Jablonskij & Meshcherjakov 2007, 57-58, fig. 4, col. pl. 2; Yablonsky 2007, 89, 95,
168 Dalton 1964, 37, nos. 136-137, pl. XX.
169 Saveleva & Smirnov 1972, 115-116, fig. 6; Smirnov & Popov 1972, 221 (ill.).
170 See n. 167.
171 Dalton 1964, no. 136, pl. XX; Rehm 1992, 80, 86, no. C4, fig. 59.
172 Rehm 1992, 79, 86, no. C3, fig. 58.
173 Akurgal 1961, 173, fig. 117; Pfrommer 1990b, 342, no. TA 121; Rehm 1992, 43-44,
70, no. A.117, fig. 52.
174 Dalton 1964, no. 116, pl. I; Pfrommer 1990b, 341, no. TA 116; Koch 1992, 220, 222,
pl. 27; Rehm 1992, 44-47, 70, no. A.118, fig. 53; Cat. London 2005, 138-139, no.
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190 See the sculpted handles in the form of ibexes in Berlin and Paris (see nn. 19-20);
a silver-gilt vessel in a private collection (Ghirshman 1964, 254-255, fig. 307); a
silver handle in the form of a stag from the Siberian Collection (Rudenko 1962,
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware267
Alekseev, A. Ju. 2003.
Chronografija erropejskoj skifii
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Mikhail Treister
Bandurovskij, A.V. & Ju.V. Bujnov 2000.
Kurgany skifskogo vremeni (severskodo-
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware269
Calmeyer, P. 1993. Die Gefäße auf den Gabenbringer-Reliefs in Persepolis,
26, 147-160.
\tat. Amsterdam 2004. Kalashnik, Yu.,
Greek Gold. From the Treasure Rooms of
Zwolle.
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Cat. Moscow 2003. R.G. Kuzeev, M.B. Piotrovskij & A.I. Shkurko (eds.),
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware271
Chernenko, E.V. 1975. Oružie iz Tolstoj mogily, in: A.I. Terenozhkin (ed.),
Skifskij mir.
Kiev, 152-173.
Chernenko, E.V. 1984.
Kiev.
Chernenko, E.V. 2004. Bližnevostonye sosudy iz Ljubotinskich kurganov na
tians. In Memory of Professor Tadeusz Sulimirski.
Krakow, 93-100.
Chkonia, A.M. 1977. Zolotye sergi ranneellinistieskogo Vremeni iz Vanskogo
, Vani
Chkonia, A.M. 1981.
Gold Ornaments from the Ancient City of Vani
(Vani, VI).
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Fedoseev, N.F. 2007. The necropolis of Kul Oba, in: D.V. Grammenos & E.K.
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware273
Khoshtaria, N.V., R.V. Puturidze & A.M. Chkonia 1972. Itogi archeologieskich
rabot, provedennych v 1961-1963 gg. v severo-vostonoj asti Vanskogo
Vani I. Archaeological excavations 1947-1969
Kisel, V.A. 2003.
Shedevry juvelirov drevnego Vostoka iz skifskikh kurganov.
St
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Archäologie in Georgien. Von der Altsteinzeit zum
römischen Archäologie 5).
Weinheim.
Lordkipanidze, O.D. 1994. Recent discoveries in the field of classical archaeol-
1/2, 127-168.
Lordkipanidze, O.D.1995: Vani … ein antikes religiöses Zentrum im Lande des
42/2, 353-401.
and its culture of the Achaemenid and post-Achaemenid periods,
Lordkipanidze, O.D. 2001. The Akhalgori HoardŽ. An attempt at dating and
c
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware275
Minasjan, R.S. 1991. Technika izgotovlenija zolotych i serebjannych veej iz
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Antinyj import v Pridneprove i Pobuže v IV-II vv. do n.e.
(Svod archeologieskich istonikov D1-27). Moscow.
Orfèvrerie ancienne de la collection du
Musée des trésors historiques dUkraine.
Moscow.
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware277
Schmitt, R. 2001. Eine weitere Alabaster-Vase mit Artaxerxes-Inschrift,
Schneider, L. & P. Zazoff 1994. Kontruktion und Rekonstruktion. Zur Lesung
thrakischer und skythischer Bilder,
109, 143-216.
Schwarzmaier, A. 1996. Die Gräber in der GroŒen Bliznica und ihre Datie-
111, 105-137.
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Tokhtasev, S.R. 2006. The Bosporus and Sindike in the era of Leukon I. New
Treister, M.Ju. 1982. Bronzovye perstni s izobraženijami na itkach iz Gorgip-
3, 67-76.
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Achaemenid and Achaemenid-inspired Goldware and Silverware279
Vickers, M. & D. Gill 1994.
Artful crafts. Ancient Greek Silverware and Pottery.
Vlasova, E.V. 2000: Skifskij rog, in: S.L. Solovyov (ed.),
Sbornik statej po klassiseskoj archeologii.
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Revisiting Dareios Scythian Expedition
Christopher Tuplin
Introduction
For most people the main reason for believing in a Persian invasion of north
Black Sea Scythia during the reign of Dareios is the Herodotean narrative
are
other Greek sources
and echoes in non-Greek sources,
but in investigating the Scythian campaign one is investigating Herodotos.
One thing I have found revisiting the topic is that there has been little new
engagement with the story among the ever-growing band of Herodotean
The same is true in the realm of Achaemenid studies. The expedi-
tion naturally figures in Briants
(Briant 2002), but Josef Wiese-
höfers
(1996) apparently does not deal with it. There may, of
course, be good reason for this … perhaps the expedition was a non-event and
all ways of dealing with the odd historical/historiographical record have been
tried at one time or another, leaving little more to be said than had already
I cannot assert that I have found anything
but the odd tangential novelty. Indeed my principal hope is that the present
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produce a trip no greater than Byzantion to Athens. What this implicit analogy
with Xerxes in 480 does suggest is that a campaign would be a big undertaking,
but Herodotos does not claim otherwise. So far, then, so good. But perhaps
only so far, because much else about the Herodotean account fails to live up
to the analogy, since, on the one hand, it is brief and ill-balanced compared
with that of Xerxes invasion while, on the other hand, some of what
there
is positively fantastical. I propose to explore this by presenting some largely
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Revisiting Dareios Scythian Expedition283
could simply mean that he had a positive reason to go to the Chersonese (and
then naturally went to Anatolia directly, not via the Bosporos); Doriskos was
established at this era (7.159) and that could in principle as well occur at the
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earlier one … we are in the world of the desolation beyond IsterŽ postulated
in 5.9-10, even if that is in a statement about Transdanubian land presumably
lying further west, and, in fact, in a world of stereotype to a degree not true
(3) It is separable from the rest of Herodotos narrative.
story … the great chase being a self-contained whole after which everyone is
back to where they started. One could remove it and be left with a tale limited
geographically to the immediate Transdanubian area.
Integral to the Herodotean narrative is the reaction of the Scythians neigh-
bours to co-operation against the invader: it is this that forces flight and the
large geographical framework (4.102, 118-120). It also forms part of a parallel
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Revisiting Dareios Scythian Expedition285
statue of himself at Heliopolis because he had not matched Sesostris career
of conquest and … in Herodotos version (2.102-110) … specifically had failed
Be that as it may, we should not lightly assume that a
grandiose version of Dareios Scythian invasion and defeat was already in
circulation during Dareios own reign.
Geographical issues are not confined to the Transdanubian phase. South
of the Danube the problem is not indeed an immediate appearance of fantasy.
But things are not easy either.
The Danube may not be the far side of the moon. But was it natural to
proaches to the Greek peninsula and (b) the Maritsa valley and central Bul-
push to (or beyond) the Danube. This even has some validity for a coastal
perspective … the Burgas area seems quite well demarcated by land from the
Varna area. Indeed even making for Apollonia and Mesembria was not wholly
natural given the mountains along what is now the Turkish-Bulgarian border.
The conclusion to draw is not, of course, that the march to the Danube never
happened (the geographical complexity of mainland Greece did not prevent
a Persian invasion, after all), but that, if it did, the regions accessibility by sea
to have implications for the conduct of the campaign and, very possibly, for
its motivation. But these expectations are not wholly fulfilled when we look
at the narrative.
Dareios marches from Byzantion to the Danube and back from the Danube
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Revisiting Dareios Scythian Expedition287
the prominence of Perinthos in 5.1-2.) Even so, 5.2 does say that Megabazos
subdued every polis and
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Persian incursions through the Caucasus and to incorporate the Oaros forts
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Revisiting Dareios Scythian Expedition289
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of Greek neglect of the parts of Achaemenid history that were distant from
the western Empire or a sign (and indeed confirmation) that there had been
a significant reverse on the northern frontier. On the contrary, the new (and
usurping) king had made his mark at both ends of the Empire and it was time
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Revisiting Dareios Scythian Expedition291
a fairly unqualified version of the former approach), but Herodotos certainly
believed universal empire could be a Persian objective. Modern historical
foray to underline the status of the Danube as an imperial frontier.
But the
two modes of analysis are not inconsistent and may both be needed.
To see
quest is not an abdication of explanatory responsibility. The choice (if it was
was merely a tactical one.
Third, the Herodotean narrative includes a Persian demand for earth-and-
water … this is what Dareios asks of Idanthyrsos (4.126) and tries to claim Idan-
Pherekydes alternative version (bird, mouse, frog, arrow and plough) survives
without an attempted connection with earth-and-water (
3 F174). Since
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Revisiting Dareios Scythian Expedition293
well in the future in ca. 512 BC and seems to be principally due to the intru-
Scythian presence from the late seventh century in the Dobrudja and adjacent
steppe-land (the scene of Dareios defeat in Strabons version), and even of this
being the ancestral territory of Ariapeithes, Oktamasdes and Skyles.
Some
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Still, the idea that certain peculiarities of the Herodo-
tean account might be explained by postulating Persian military interest in
and independently of our improved knowledge of Achaemenid engagement
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Revisiting Dareios Scythian Expedition295
as with the Nile-Red Sea Canal Stelae, a longer text was erected in the local
ones frustration that they had been destroyed before Herodotos saw them
and was simply told that they listed all the contingents of Dareios army. In
the case of the other text, at the source of the Tearos (4.91), Herodotos does
not specify a language, though it is generally assumed to have been in cunei-
form, since there were reports in the mid-19th century that such a thing had
once existed at Pinarhissar (it was said to have been carried off by the Rus-
sians), and what may have been its base was recovered a month before the
outbreak of the First World War.
Few, I guess, believe that it actually said
local inhabitants, keen to promote their springs curative properties would
have liked it to have said? Still, the evidence is a useful fix for the route of
Dareios march. If only there were more such evidence. The suggestion that
the stone-piles created as a means of counting Dareios army (4.92) sound
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Canal-Statue list has to be fitted around whatever conclusions emerge from
Among those other lists, two (DSe and DNa) include Saka beyond the
seaŽ. They appear after references to Lydians and Ionians and quite separately
from the two Saka groups on the north east frontier (
haumavarga
and
), and the natural assumption is that they are a western group, though
Jacobs (1994, 257-260) has denied this, locating them instead in central Asia
really interesting thing is that, having appeared twice, these western Scythians
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Revisiting Dareios Scythian Expedition297
Yauna takabara
and
Skudra as European entities are quite severe enough to make such (frankly)
perverse alternative solutions at all attractive.
Robert Rollinger has, it is true, recently sought to make the
Yauna takabara
more problematic, arguing that the Akkadian version of their name does not
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Christopher Tuplin
precisely in the account of Megabazos operations in coastal and near-coastal
people (in this case Paionians) as workers. This story does, of course, only
that Diodoros (11.2.1, 3.8) envisages Xerxes drawing ships from Pontic cities
is particularly reliable evidence to the contrary.
Non-Greek sources: military iconography
Finally, from iconographically illustrated texts, I move back to pure military
iconography. Mandrokles picture of the crossing of the Bosporos is long gone
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Revisiting Dareios Scythian Expedition299
images (of
varying stylistic identity) which show combat and/or the parade of captives
involving Persians and putatively non-Persian adversaries; of the 52 where
the character of the adversary is not unknown or obscure, 18 involve what
have been regarded as Scythians. There is no question of trying to demon-
not entirely irrelevant to the present topic.
The overwhelming majority of images in the corpus defined above involve
Greek or west Anatolian adversaries. (Among seal images, for example, there
art-objects involved … certain in the case of the large-scale monuments (tombs,
It should be stressed, of course, that where the images display Persian vic-
tory (always the case on seal-stones, for example) the putative non-heartland
story about iconological significance for students of Persian military or im-
perial ideology. In these circumstances the presence of a number of items on
which Persians fight (and defeat) ScythianŽ adversaries is striking. Some
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Christopher Tuplin
Greek sources on that point of a sort that do not exist when we are dealing
with Xerxes defeat or the importance of Egypt to the Persian Empire, and
seal images are not a valid basis for dismissing those grounds for distrust …
involve Hellenocentrism, since it would involve neglecting the
importance of the (to us) ill-evidenced north eastern frontier. But what one
beyond the north western frontier might have a special resonance for the Per-
relatively minor event (and connect it
a revenge motif with the historical
impact of nomads in the heartlands of western Asia), they were in a certain
sense behaving in a way that a Persian would have understood. I wonder, in
There is also a point to be made about what one might call the tactical
character of the military icons involved. Those who designed the images of
Perso-Greek combat on seal-stones very largely chose to pit Greek infantry
against either a quasi-royal figure (wearing dentate crown and Persian robe)
or … most characteristically … against a Persian horseman. Those who designed
putative Perso-Scythian combat images appear to have gone a different way.
Two purely equestrian combat images do survive, though they appear so mu-
tually similar that they must be regarded as two realizations of a single icon;
and there is one seal impression that may show a Persian horseman pursu-
ing an infantry Scythian. On the Miho torque (Bernard 2000, fig. 2) we have
a Greek army, but the infantry was of at least equipollent significance. For
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Revisiting Dareios Scythian Expedition301
in horsemen, or Scythians who were relatively strong in them, the significant
thing was superiority over the enemy infantry: in the Greek case this could
in the Scythian case that would not be satisfactory … everyone knew Scythian
horsemen were too good to be sidelined in that way and it was necessary to
select the infantry arm of the Persian military to encapsulate superiority.
This conjecture means that, here too, the Herodotean representation of
what happened beyond the Danube was not perhaps wholly remote from a
possible Persian view of things: for it is not the futile pursuit of fleeing Scyth-
ian horsemen all around the southern Ukraine that signals Dareios defeat, but
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Christopher Tuplin
nesses to the fact that the Danube was crossed. If one were minded to assert
that the Danube was
in fact crossed, one would have to account for the
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Revisiting Dareios Scythian Expedition303
narrative of one fought (and indeed
fought) in Scythia, though both will
be quite happy to accompany the narrative with pieces of entirely invented
. Beyond a certain limit we cannot expect properly to assess or
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4 Megabazos son Oibares was subsequently governor of Daskyleion (6.33: be-
(contextually
ton parathalassion andron
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Revisiting Dareios Scythian Expedition305
16 The identity of its end-point … perhaps connectable with the foundation of Das-
kyleion … is another matter, already touched on above.
17 Especially if there really was a place called Nipsa that figured in the Athenian
18 Notice incidentally that the actual crossing on the outward journey is never nar-
north of Thrace, but the land beyond the Danube is vast and desolate, and the
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Christopher Tuplin
25 West (2004, 75) infers Dareios intention to make no more than a brief foray across
the river. Fol & Hammond (1988, 240) take creation of a proper bridge to prove
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Revisiting Dareios Scythian Expedition307
44 Other suggestions include that the story actually alludes to the building of for-
45 Mayrhofer 1978, 16 (3.10). Archibald (1998, 81) misleadingly suggests that the
on Boryza) in a pattern of fortified occupation in the western Black Sea littoral.
saying the same thing (albeit with different writings), (b) there are two Scythian
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Christopher Tuplin
)()fig.44. (The identification of unlabeled Skudrians … i.e. those at Persepolis … fol-
52 Archibald 1998, 208.
53 Archibald 1998, 84, n. 29.
54 Henkelman & Stolper forthcoming.
55 Skudrians appear in years 14 and 17-24 (with seven texts before year 20), Tur-
miriyans (for example) only in years 20-25.
56 —edda: PF-NN 0728 (and perhaps also PF-NN 2653); Karizza: PF-NN 2653.
57 Bakena: PF 1561; Zimakka: PF 783.
58 PF 1957: 10; PF-NN 2184.
59 Hdt. 5.12-15, 23, 98.
60 For the former view, see Briant 2002, 408-409 (the royal coinage … both
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Revisiting Dareios Scythian Expedition309
Bernard, P. 2000. Un torque achéménide avec une inscription grecque au
Bosworth, A.B. 1980.
A Historical Commentary on Arrians History of Alexander
Briant, P. 2002.
From Cyrus to Alexander
. Winona Lake.
Bury, J.B. 1897. The European expedition of Darius,
11, 277-282.
Casabonne, O. 2004. Rhodes, Cyprus and southern Anatolia during the Ar-
chaic and Achaemenid periods: the Ionian question,
Chernenko, E.V. 1984.
. Kiev.
Corcella, A. 1993.
Erodoto, Le Storie: Libro IV, La Scizia e la Libia
de Boer, J.G. 2004-2005. The Greek colonies in the Pontic area during the sixth
century BC. The rise of the barbarianŽ kingdoms and the Ionian revolt:
Talanta
36-37, 269-287.
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Revisiting Dareios Scythian Expedition311
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Christopher Tuplin
Sulimirski, T. 1985. The Scyths, in: I. Gershevitch (ed.)
Summerer, L. 2007a. From Tatarlš to Munich: the recovery of a painted wooden
Local Populations and Culture in Anatolia
Summerer, L. 2007b. Picturing Persian victory: the painted battle scene on the
Munich wood [sic],
13, 1-30.
Skrzhinskaya, M.V. 1991.
Drevnegreeskii Folklor i Literatura o severnom
. Kiev.
Tilia, A.B. 1972.
Tritle, L. 2006
. Warfare in Herodotus
in: C. Dewald & J. Marincola (eds.),
The
Cambridge Companion to Herodotus.
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Absinth Tepe 116
Alazani river 113
Alma Ata 242
Amnias river (Gökirmak) 195-197,
Aygir 203
Baktros river 293
Bashova 178
Bistra valley 288
Borovo 74, 78, 171, 224, 234, 239
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314Indices
Chersonesos (Taurian) 126, 234, 252
Danube river 30, 67, 126, 140, 145, 281,
Daraya Takh 116
Daskal Atanasovo 69
Derveni 231
Dnieper river 234, 293
Don river (Tanais) 126, 233
Dragoevoi 82
Duvanli 11, 69, 173, 174, 212, 224
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Hebros river (Marica) 140, 144, 147
Herakleia Pontike 126, 127
Indus river 76
Kalmakareh cave 236
Karadere river 196
Koukova mogila 69, 224, 226, 227, 234,
Kralevo 79
Kuban river (Hypanis) 12, 49, 56, 91,
Kura / Mtkvari river 18, 19, 113
Laba river 47
Lycia 141, 173
Lydia (Sparda) 31, 32, 34, 43, 60, 61,
Marica river (Hebros) 68, 69, 285, 286,
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316Indices
Nestos river 68
Nile river 291, 295
Niniveh 8
Novembrian 17
Novozavedennoe 47, 56, 57
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Semibratnee, (Seven brothers) 12, 13,
Shakon river 91
Sliven 72, 78
Sofronievo 72
StanicaBlagoveshenskaja 251
Stanica Temibekovskaja 231
Stojanovo 74
Strymon river 68, 126, 138, 140, 142,
Svetari 79
Taganrog 126
Taman peninsular 127, 231, 250
Tapae 288
Targovite 79
Ta\rlšcabir 76
Tatarlš 298, 300
Tearos river 285, 286, 295
Tenginskaja 51
Terelšk 11, 196, 200, 201, 206, 212-215
Tomi 288
Tomis 286
Transcaucasia 16, 17, 23, 60
Trabzon 226
Tuch el Karamus 232
Tulcea 285, 286
Tukty (Altai) 19
Tundja river 68
Turkey 76, 138
Tyritake 127
Ünye 227
Ulyap kurgan 47, 49, 51, 58, 60, 61
Valchitran 74
Vani 21, 117, 175, 178, 224, 231, 236
Varna 73, 285
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318Indices
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Indices
Hekataios (Sindian king) 90-92, 251
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320Indices
Teres I. 70, 144, 145
Teucrians 139
Turmyrians 297
Tomyris 288
Tranipsae 146
Trausi 138
Triparadeios 151
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2.851-852) 219
61-63) 288
FrgHist.
Nr. 88
F459) 220
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322Indices
156
157
15, 31, 150, 156, 295, 296
15, 156
31, 149, 156, 296
31, 296
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Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte und Vorderasiatische Archäologie
Adele.Bill²zaw.uni-heidelberg.de
Ilyas A. Babaev
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324Contributors
Diana Gergova
Bulgarian Academy of Sciences
dianagergova²abv.bg
Russian Academy of Science
Dvortsovaya nab., 18.
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Contributors325
Tatiana N. Smekalova
Danish National Research Foundations Centre for Black Sea Studies
University of Aarhus, Jens Chr. Skous Vej 3
DK-8000 Aarhus C, Denmark
Reaserch Center for Anatolian Civilizations
Koç University
POB 260 Beyolu
34433 Istanbul Turkey
Mikhail Treister
Weißenburgstrasse 59
mikhailtreister²yahoo.de
Christopher Tuplin
School of Archaeology, Classics and Egyptology
Liverpool University
12-14 Abercromby Square
L69 7WZ Liverpool, United kingdom
c.j.tuplin²liv.ac.uk
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