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© 1998, 2002 by Kevin MacDona
Preface to the First Paperback Edition..................................................................v
Preface ............................................................................................lxxiii
Chapter 1. Jews And The Radical Critique Of Gentile Culture:
Introduction And Theory.........................................................1
Chapter 2. The Boasian School Of Anthropology And The Decline Of
Darwinism In The Social Sciences........................................20
Chapter 3. Jews And The Left.................................................................50
Chapter 4. Jewish Involvement In
The Psychoanalytic Movement.......105
Chapter 5. The Frankfurt School Of Social Research And The
Pathologization Of Gentile Group Allegiances....................152
Chapter 6. The Jewish Criticism Of
Gentile Culture: A Reprise...........207
Chapter 7. Jewish Involvement In Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy...240
Chapter 8. Conclusion: Whither Judaism And The West?....................304
Bibliography ..............................................................................................334
Endnotes ..............................................................................................422
Preface to the First Paperback
The Culture of Critique
) was originally published in 1998
by Praeger Publishers, an imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. The
thesis of the book is a difficult one i
ndeeddifficult not only because it is
difficult to establish, but also b
ecause it challenges many fundamental
assumptions about our contemporary intellectual and political existence.
describes how Jewish intellectuals initiated and advanced a
number of
important intellectual and political movements during the 20th century. I argue
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
summarizes his impressions by noting,
[MacDonalds] iconoclastic evaluation
of psychoanalysis, Marxism, multicultura
lism, and certain schools of thought in
the social sciences will not generate great
enthusiasm for his work in academe,
yet this book is well written and has much
to offer the reader interested in
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
watershed immigration bill of 1965).
Nor were there any other groups or
intellectual movements besides the ones mentioned in
that were developing
images of the U.S. as a multi-cultural,
Non-Jews have a difficult time fa
thoming Jewish communal memory. For
strongly identified Jews, the vilely discriminatory actions of immigration
restrictionists are part of the lachrymose history of the Jewish people.
Immigration restriction from 19241965 is in the same category as the Roman
destruction of the Temple in 70
., the marauding Crusaders of the Middle
Ages, the horrors of the Inquisition,
the evil of the Russian Czar, and the
rationally incomprehensible calamity of Nazism. These events are not just
images drawn from the dustbin of history.
They are deeply felt images and potent
motivators of contemporary behavior. As
Michael Walzer (1994, 4) noted, I
was taught Jewish history as a long tale of exile and persecutionHolocaust
history read backwards. From this pers
pective, the immigration restriction of
19241965 is an important part of the Holocaust because it prevented the
emigration of Jews who ultimately died in the Holocausta point that Steinlight
And as Walter Benjamin (1968, 262) notes, Hatred and [the] spirit of
sacrifice . . . are nourished by the image of
enslaved ancestors rather than that of
liberated grandchildren. This is impo
rtant because whatever ones attitudes
about the costs and benefits of immigration, a principal motivation for
encouraging massive non-European immigration on the part of the organized
Jewish community has involved a deeply felt animosity toward the people and
culture responsible for the immigration r
estriction of 19241965. (As indicated in
Ch. 7, another motivation has been to l
essen the power of the European-derived
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
unabashedly asserted the right of European
-derived peoples to the land they had
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
abhorrent: I tell you that I would a hundred times rather see my country ally
herself with England, or even with German
y with all of her faults, than with the
cruelty, the godlessness, and the barbarism
294). Winchell, the standard bearer fo
r interventionism, was Jewish. He had
close ties during this period to the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) which
provided him with information on the
activities of isolationists and Nazi
sympathizers which he used in his broadcasts and newspaper columns (Gabler
1995, 294298)
There is no question that the movie industry did indeed propagandize against
Germany and in favor of intervention. In
May, 1940, the Warner Brothers studio
wired Roosevelt that personally we would
like to do all in
our power within the
motion picture industry and by use of the talking screen to show the American
people the worthiness of the cause for
which the free peoples of Europe are
making such tremendous sacrifices (i
n Gabler 1988, 343). Later in 1940 Joseph
P. Kennedy lectured the Hollywood movie elite that they should stop promoting
the war and stop making anti-Nazi movies or risk a rise in anti-Semitism.
Immediately prior to Lindberghs Des Moines speech, Senator Gerald Nye
asserted that foreign-born owners of the Hollywood studies had violent
animosities toward certain cause
Representatives of the movie industry, realizing that they had the support of the
Roosevelt administration, aggressively
defended making America conscious of
Harvard historian William Langer stated in a lecture to the U.S. Army War
College that the rising dislike of Nazi
Germany in the U.S. was due to Jewish
You have to face the fact that some of our most important
American newspapers are Jewish-
controlled, and I suppose if I
were a Jew I would feel about Nazi Germany as most Jews feel
and it would be most inevitable that the coloring of the news
takes on that tinge. As I read the
New York Times
, for example, it
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
media was significant during this period. Of
course, this is not to say that Jews
dominated the media at this time or that other influences were not important.
It is also noteworthy that U.S. military
officers often worried that Roosevelt
was influenced to be anti-German by hi
s Jewish advisors, Samuel I. Rosenman,
Felix Frankfurter, and Henry Morgenthau
, Jr. (Bendersky 2000, 274), and they
worried that Jewish interests and the Brit
ish would push the U.S. into a war with
Germany. Both Frankfurter and Morgenthau were strongly identified Jews and
effective advocates of Jewish interests
within the Roosevelt Administration.
Morgenthau actively promoted Zionism a
nd the welfare of Jewish refugees (e.g.,
Bendersky 2000, 333ff, 354ff). Both s
upported U.S. involvement in the war
against Germany, and Morgenthau
became well-known as an advocate of
extremely harsh treatment of the Germans during and after World War II.
Moreover, there is no question that Jews
were able to have a great deal of
influence on specific issues during this period. For example, Zionist
organizations exerted enormous pressure
on the government (e.g., Bendersky
2000, 325). During World War II they engaged in loud diplomacy (p. 326),
organizing thousands of rallies, dinners
with celebrity speakers (including
aged the outpouring of hatred that
ensued. The simple facts that the vast majo
rity of U.S. Jews were indeed in favor
of intervention and that Jews did have
a significant effect on public attitudes and
public policy had become irrelevant. As
Lindbergh himself said, the choice was
It is instructive to review in some de
tail the Niagara of invective experienced
by Lindbergh (Berg 1999, 428). He was denounced by virtually all the leading
media, by Democrats and Republicans, Protest
ants and Catholics, and, of course,
Jewish groups. Many accused him of being a Nazi, including the Presidential
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
I do not know and am only very disturbed, which is
morally praiseworthy. She supposes that even a disastrous war that might kill
hundreds of thousands of Americans (and,
as her husband believed, might result
in the destruction of European culture a
nd the white race) is preferable to the
possibility of an outbreak of violent
anti-Semitism. The moral demeanor of
Americans is more important than their su
rvival as a nation or people. And all of
this because Lindbergh simply stated that Jews had interests as a group that
differed from those of other Americans. Their lesson learned, American
politicians presumably realized that ev
en rational, intelligent, and humane
discussions of Jewish interests were beyond the boundaries of appropriate
discussion. Jews had no interests as Jews that could be said to conflict with the
interests of any other group of Americans.
By the time of Lindberghs speech, Jews not only had a prominent position in
the U.S. media, they had seized the intellectual and moral high ground via their
control of the intellectual and political movements discussed in
. Not only
were Jewish interests beyond the bounds of civilized political discussion,
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
managerial elites are unique to European
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
commentator, todays elite loathes the nation it rules (Gerlernter 1997). Good
examples are Stephen Steinlights comme
nts on the immigration restriction of
19241965 (see above) and Joseph Benderskys
The Jewish Threat
, published
by Basic Books (2000). Bendersky paints a vanished world of proud and
account for the acceptance of Jews and J
udaism by the WASP establishment after
W.W.II. Cuddihy focuses on the elevation of Judaism to the status of one of the
big three U.S. religions, to the point th
at a rabbi officiates at the presidential
inauguration even though Jews constitute
approximately 23% of the population.
Cuddihy argues that this religious surf
ace served as a protective coloring and led
to a sort of crypto-Judaism in which Je
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
Jewish posturing was a claim to a unique
universalistic moral-religious vision
that could only be achieved by enacting legislation that in fact furthered their
ingroups. Personal goals are paramount, and socialization emphasizes the
importance of self-reliance, independence,
individual responsibility, and finding
yourself (Triandis 1991, 82). Individualis
ts have more positive attitudes toward
strangers and outgroup members and are mo
re likely to behave in a pro-social,
altruistic manner to strangers. People in
individualist cultures are less aware of
ingroup/outgroup boundaries
and thus do not have highly negative attitudes
toward outgroup members. They often disagree with ingroup policy, show little
emotional commitment or loyalty to ingroups, and do not have a sense of
common fate with other ingroup member
s. Opposition to outgroups occurs in
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
relationships which recognize both the male
and female lines, suggesting a more
equal contribution for each sex as woul
d be expected under conditions of
monogamy. There is also less emphasis on
extended kinship relationships and
marriage tends to be exogamous (i.e., outside the kinship group). As discussed
below, all of these characteristics are opposite those found among Jews.
The historical evidence shows that
Europeans, and especially Northwest
Europeans, were relatively quick to
(See Chs. 4 and 8 for a discussion of the greater proneness of Western Europeans
to monogamy and to marriage based on companionship and affection rather than
polygyny and collectivist mechanisms of so
cial control and family strategizing.)
This relatively greater proneness to forming a simple household type may well
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
through the Ice Ages (Sykes 2001). This
is sufficient time for the adverse
ecology of the north to have had a powerful shaping influence on European
psychological and cultural tendencies. Th
ese European groups were less attracted
to extended kinship groups, so that when
the context altered with the rise of
powerful central governments able to guara
ntee individual interests, the simple
household structure quickly became dominan
t. This simple family structure was
adopted relatively easily because Europ
eans already had relatively powerful
psychological predispositions toward
the simple family resulting from its
prolonged evolutionary history in the north of Europe.
Although these differences within the Western European system are important,
they do not belie the general difference
punishment are more likely to be found among individualistic, hunter-gather
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
morally bankrupt, any and all means of
punishment should be used against their
own people. Rather than see other Eur
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
European Cultural Origins Jewish Cultural Origins
Evolutionary History
Northern Hunter-Gatherers Mi
ddle Old World Pastoralists
Kinship System
Weakly Patricentric
Strongly Patricentric
Family System
Extended Family; Joint
Marriage Practices
Marriage Psychology
Based on Mutual Consent and
Utilitarian; Based on Family
Strategizing and Control of
Position of Women
Relatively High Relatively Low
Social Structure
Charismatic Leaders
There the ideal was to emphasize not the uniformity of the
citizens of a country as a whole but a uniformity within each
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
Jewish mysticism. Influential Jewish sc
holars like Gershom Scholem ignored the
obvious racialist, exclusivist material in
the Cabbala by using words like men,
human beings, and cosmic to suggest
the Cabbala has a universalist message.
The actual text says salvation is only fo
r Jews, while non-Jews have Satanic
souls (p. 58).
electorate (Shahak & Mezvinsky 1999, 8)a
percentage that is sure to increase
because of their high fertility and b
ecause intensified troubles with the
Palestinians tend to make other Israelis
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
persecution of Jews and other minority groups. The new law will
provide a climate for diversity and acceptance in a nation with an
onerous legacy of xenophobia, where the concept of us versus
them will be replaced by a principle of citizenship for all.
There is no mention of analogous laws
in place in Israel restricting
immigration to Jews and the long-standing policy of rejecting the possibility of
Ill confess it, at least: like thousands of other typical Jewish
kids of my generation, I was reared as a Jewish nationalist, even
a quasi-separatist. Every summer for two months for 10
formative years during my chil
dhood and adolescence I attended
Jewish summer camp. There, each morning, I saluted a foreign
flag, dressed in a uniform reflecting its colors, sang a foreign
national anthem, learned a forei
gn language, learned foreign folk
songs and dances, and was taught that Israel was the true
homeland. Emigration to Israel was considered the highest
virtue, and, like many other Jewish teens of my generation, I
spent two summers working in Isr
ael on a collective farm while I
contemplated that possibility. More tacitly and subconsciously, I
was taught the superiority of my people to the gentiles who had
oppressed us. We were taught to
view non-Jews as untrustworthy
outsiders, people from whom sudde
n gusts of hatred might be
anticipated, people less sensitive,
intelligent, and moral than
ourselves. We were also taught that the lesson of our dark history
is that we could rely on no one. . . . [I]t must be admitted that the
essence of the process of my nationalist training was to inculcate
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
complexity and intellectual sophistication
of the rationalizations for itsome of
which are reviewed in
Separation and Its Discontents
(Chs. 68), and the rather
awesome hypocrisy of it, given Jewis
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
(Rapoport 1990, 4450). In general, Jews were not only prominent in the
leadership of the Bolsheviks, but they abounded at the lower levels of the party
machineryespecially, in the
, and its successors the GPU, the OGPU and
the NKVD (Schapiro 1961, 165). The sp
ecial role of Jews in the Bolshevik
government was not lost on Russians: For the most prominent and colourful
labor with enormous loss of life, and ordered the collective punishment and
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
prevented from doing so by the government. The peasants starved by the
millions. Parents abandoned starving ch
ildren before starving themselves;
cannibalism was rampant; remaining workers
These horrors are unmentioned by Rapoport in his account of his 1934 visit.
Instead, he paints a very positive portrait
He shows that Jewish organizations in the U.S. were well aware of Jewish
involvement in Communism, but they argued that only a minority of Jews were
involved and downplayed the fact that a majority of Communists were Jews, that
an even greater majority of Communist l
eaders were Jews, that the great majority
of those called up by the House Un-Ame
rican Activities Committee in the 1940s
and 1950s were Jews, and that most of t
hose prosecuted for spying for the Soviet
Union were Jews (see also Chapter 3 of
and MacDonald 1998a, 200201).
Indeed, the proposal that leftist radicalism represented a minority of the
American Jewish community is far from
obvious. In fact, the immigrant Jewish
community in the U.S. from 1886 to 1920 can best be described as one big
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
the leftist faith when he was rejected and blackballed by his leftist comrades for
publishing a book that established the gu
ilt of Julius Rosenberg. Radosh shows
that academic departments of history remain
a bastion of apologia for the far left.
Many academic historians shunned Rados
h because of his findings, including
Eric Foner, another Red Diaper Baby,
who was a president of the American
Historical Association. Radosh writes of the
reflexive hatred of the American
system that pervades the left. It was ind
eed a reflexive hatreda hatred that,
as discussed in
, was due far more to their strong Jewish identifications than
to anything objectively wrong with Ameri
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
But of course these things did happen. In
the same way, one can then also ask
what might have happened in the absence of Jewish involvement in the
Bolshevik Revolution. The argument would go as follows:
(1) Given that World War I did occur
and that the Czars government was
drastically weakened, it seems reasonable that there would have been major
changes in Russia. However, without Jew
ish involvement, the changes in Russia
would have resulted in a constitutional
monarchy, a representative republic, or
even a nationalist military junta that enjoyed broad popular support among the
Great Russian majority instead of a dictatorship dominated by ethnic outsiders,
especially Jews and jewified non-Jews,
to use Lindemanns (1997) term. It
would not have been an explicitly Marxis
t revolution, and therefore it would not
by Jews in Bolshevism much too well not
to realise the danger that we run in
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
This line of reasoning does not imply that there were no other critical factors.
If World War I had not occurred and if the Czar hadnt entered that war, then the
Czar could have stayed in power much longer. Russia might have been
transformed gradually into a modern Wester
n state rather than be subjected to the
horrors of Communism. In the same way,
Hitler may not have come to power if
there had been no Great Depression or if Germany had won World War I. Such
events also would have a
ltered things enormously.
(4) The victory over National Socialism
that it would spread throughout the culture at large.
1999, 12)
The Holocaust was originally promoted to
rally support for Israel following the
1967 and 1973 Arab-Israeli wars: Jewish orga
nizations . . . [portrayed] Israels
difficulties as stemming from the world
s having forgotten the Holocaust. The
Holocaust framework allowed one to put
aside as irrelevant any legitimate
ground for criticizing Israel, to avoid ev
en considering the possibility that the
rights and wrongs were complex (Novick 1999, 155). As the threat to Israel
subsided, the Holocaust was promoted as
the main source of Jewish identity and
in the effort to combat assimilation a
nd intermarriage among Jews. During this
period, the Holocaust was also promoted
among gentiles as an antidote to anti-
Semitism. In recent years this has i
nvolved a large scale educational effort
(including mandated courses in the public schools of several states) spearheaded
by Jewish organizations and staffed by
thousands of Holocaust professionals
aimed at conveying the lesson that toler
ance and diversity [are] good; hate [is]
bad, the overall rubric [being] mans
inhumanity to man (pp. 258259). The
Holocaust has thus become
Because the Holocaust is regarded
as a unique, unknowable event, Jewish
organizations and Israeli
diplomats cooperated to block the U.S. Congress from
commemorating the Armenian genocide. S
ince Jews recognized the Holocausts
uniquenessthat it was incomparable, beyond any analogythey had no
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
illustrates well the intimat
This effort has been very successful.
In a 1990 survey, a substantial majority
agreed that the Holocaust was
worst tragedy in history (Novick 1999, 232;
italics in text). Recently, the main thrust
of the Holocaust as cultural icon is the
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
Holocaust has not only become a quasi
-religion capable of eradicating the
remnants of German culture, Jews have become sanctified as a people. As Amos
Elon noted in describing the German
response to a new Jewish museum in
Berlin, With so much hyperbole, so many undoubtedly sincere expressions of
organizations from European governments
and corporations, and for justifying
the policies of Israel and U.S. support fo
r Israeli policy (p. 8). Finkelstein also
argues that embracing the Holocaust allo
ws the wealthiest and most powerful
group in the U.S. to claim victim status.
The ideology of the Holocaust states that
it is unique and inexplicableas also not
ed by Novick. But Finkelstein also
emphasizes how the Holocaust Industry
promotes the idea that anti-Jewish
international community had a solemn
responsibility to oppose genocide,
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
n material from the Israeli embassy for
editorials. It is not enough to say that
s owner is merely
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
even at that time, there were severa
pers, including the
(controlled by Joseph Pulitzer), the
Chicago Times-Herald
(controlled by H. H. Kohlsaat), and the
by the family of Jacob Schiff). In 1896 Adolph Ochs purchased the
New York
with the critical backing of several Jewish businessmen, including Isidor
Straus (co-owner of Macys department
stores) and Jacob Schiff (a successful
Another exception is NBC which is owne
d by General Electric. However, the
President of NBC is Andrew Lack and the President of NBC News is Neal
Shapiro, both of whom are Jewish. In
addition, the Bertelsmann publishing group
is a Germany-based company that is the largest publisher of trade books in the
world and also owns magazines, newspape
rs, and music. Most of Bertelsmanns
influence is outside the United States,
although it recently purchased the Random
House Publishing Company.
Even granting the exceptions, it is clear
that Jews enjoy a very powerful
position in U.S. media, a position that
is far more powerful than any other
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
portraying cultural pluralism almost excl
usively in positive termsthat cultural
pluralism is easily achieved and is mora
lly superior to a homogeneous Christian
culture made up mainly of white non-
Jews. Characters who oppose cultural
in their Judaism (Pearl & Pearl 1999, 5). For example,
All in the Family
(and its
Archie Bunkers Place
) not only managed to portray working class
Europeans as stupid and bigoted, it portrayed Jewish themes very positively. By
the end of its 12-year run, even archen
emy Archie Bunker had raised a Jewish
child in his home, befriended a black
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
On the other hand, Christianity is typically portrayed as evil, even going so far
as depicting Christians as psychopaths.
Michael Medved describes Hollywoods
cumulative attacks in recent years on
the traditional American family,
patriotism, and traditional sexual moresth
e Hollywood version of the culture of
critique. But the most obvious focus of attack is on the Christian religion:
In the ongoing war on traditional values, the assault on
organized faith represents the front to which the entertainment
industry has most clearly committed itself.
On no other issue do
the perspectives of the show business elites and those of the
public at large differ more dramatically. Time and again, the
producers have gone out of their way to affront the religious
sensibilities of ordinary Americans. (Medved 1992/1993, 50)
Medved fails to find even one film made since the mid-1970s where
Christianity is portrayed positively apart
from a few films where it is portrayed as
an historical relica museum piece. Ex
amples where Christianity is portrayed
negatively abound. For example, in the film
(1982), a Catholic priest
commits every imaginable sin, includi
ng the seduction of a glamorous nun and
then is involved in her death. In
Agnes of God
(1985), a disturbed young nun
gives birth in a convent, murders her ba
by, and then flushes the tiny, bloody
Hollywood films, such as when the direct
or Rob Reiner repeatedly focuses on the
tiny gold crosses worn by Kathy
Another media tendency is to portray
small towns as filled with bigots and
anti-Semites. Media commentator Ben Stein records the hostility of the media
toward rural America:
country. . . . Feelings of affection for small towns run deep in
America, and small-town life is treasured by millions of people.
But in the mass culture of the country, a hatred for the small
town is spewed out on television screens and movie screens
every day. . . . Television and the movies are Americas folk
culture, and they have nothing but contempt for the way of life
of a very large part of the folk. . . . People are told that their
culture is, at its root, sick, violent, and depraved, and this
message gives them little confidence
in the future of that culture.
It also leads them to feel ashame
d of their country and to believe
portrayeda major theme of Finkelsteins (2000)
The Holocaust Industry
Shavit, an Israeli columnist, described
his feelings on the killings of a hundred
civilians in a military skirmish in sout
hern Lebanon in 1996, We killed them out
of a certain naive hubris. Believing with
absolute certitude that now, with the
White House, the Senate, and much of the American media in our hands, the
lives of others do not count as much as our own.
The election of Ariel Sharon
as Prime Minister of Israel provides anot
her study in contrast. There was a huge
difference in the media reaction to Shar
on and the response to the situation in
Austria when Jrg Haiders Freedom Party won enough seats in parliament to
have a role in the Austrian government. Several countries, including Israel,
recalled their ambassadors in response
to the election of Haider. Politicians
around the world condemned Austria and announced that they would not tolerate
Haiders participation in any Austri
an government. Trade embargoes against
Austria were threatened. The cause of these
actions was that Haider had said that
there had been many decent people fighting on the German side during World
War II, including some in the SS. He had also said that some of Hitlers
economic policies in the 1930s had ma
de good sense. And he had called for a
cutoff of immigration into Austria. Haid
er apologized for these statements, but
the electoral success of his party resulted in the ostracism of Austria and a
continuous barrage of alarmist me
dia attacks against him personally.
Contrast this with the treatment of Ariel Sharons election as prime minister of
Israel in 2001. Sharon was Israels Mini
ster of Defense in September 1982
during the slaughter of 7002000 Palestinians, including women and children in
the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps just outside Beirut, Lebanon.
New York
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
journalist Thomas Friedman saw g
roups of young men in their twenties
and thirties who had been lined up against
include Patrick Buchanan, Christophe
r Hitchens, Edward Said, Alexander
Cockburn, and Robert Novak. Three of th
ese columnists are associated with the
far left journal,
The Nation
(Cockburn, Hitchens, Sa
id), and only Novak is
presently affiliated with a major media organization (
The Washington Post
Following the attack of September 11, Novak wrote that Unlike Nazi
Germanys and Imperial Japans drive fo
r a new world order, . . . the hatred
toward the U.S. by the terrorists is an exte
nsion of its hatred of Israel rather than
world dominion (
ould deny that Muslim animus toward
the U.S. is linked to U.S. support for Israel.
Alterman points to another small group classified as columnists likely to
criticize both Israel and the Palestinians, but view themselves to be critically
supporters of Israel, and ultimately would support Israeli security over
Palestinian rights. This group includes the editorial Boards of
The Washington Post.
Another columnist who should be included in
the intermediate category is Michael Lind,
who noted the following in a column
(April 3, 2002): What passes in the United States as
an evenhanded stance is perceived, not only in the Middle East but in Europe and
throughout the world, as unquestioning American support of bully tactics by
Israel. . . . For more than a decade, U.S.
policy toward Israel
has been shaped as
much by domestic politics as by grand strategy: the pro-Israel lobby is the most
powerful one in Washington. This support for Israelno matter what its
policieshas given license to Israels ha
rd right to employ savage means of
oppression against the Palestinians, and even against their own Arab citizens.
While it is rarely noted in the American media, Israel has now occupied
Palestinian lands for 35 years, denyin
g 3 million people rights, and ruling over
them with brutality.
There can be little doubt that the U.S. media is dominated by a pro-Israeli
perspective ultimately deriving from Jewish influence on the media. What is
perhaps most interesting is the long
list of non-Jews who are in the first
categorythose who support Israel reflexively and without qualification. These
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
showing their devotion to Israel (and, one
might infer, other Jewish issues, such
as immigration; none of these pundits
is a critic of massive non-European
Online services in the U.S. are also und
er pressure from foreign governments,
including France, Germany, Austria,
and Canada, where there are no
constitutional guarantees of free speech. Fo
r example, a judge in France ruled
that Yahoo was violating French law by delivering Nazi material to people in
France via the companys online auctions,
even though the service is based in the
United States. Yahoo was acting illegally
, the judge said, even though the
company has created a separate French
site that, unlike the broader Yahoo
service, follows French law. The company was ordered to use filtering
technology to block politically sensitive material from appearing on computers in
France or face fines equivalent to $13,000 a day. In Germany, a court found that
German law applies even to foreigners
who post content on the Web in other
countriesso long as that content can be
accessed by people inside Germany. In
this case, the court ruled that an Australian citizen who posted Holocaust
revisionist material on his Australian
website could be jailed in Germany.
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
virtually impossible. And in the United States, the First
Amendment guarantees the right of freedom of speech regardless
of what form that speech ta
kes. As a result, governments,
corporations and people of
goodwill continue to look for
alternative ways to address the problem.
Clearly Jewish organizations are making every effort to censor anti-Jewish
the Catholic Church during the middle ages (see MacDonald 1988a, 1995b).
There are quite a few statements in my books
that attempt to soften the tone and
deflect charges of anti-Jewish bias. The first page of my first book on Judaism,
People that Shall Dwell Alone
(MacDonald 1994), clearly states that the traits I
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
suppose they were intended for the purpose
of benefiting humanity solely or even
primarily. In any case I am hard pressed to think of any area of modern Western
government and social organization (certainly) and business, science, and
technology (very probably) that would no
t have developed w
ithout Jewish input,
although in some cases perhaps not quite
as quickly. In general, positive impacts
of Jews have been quantitative rather th
an qualitative. They have accelerated
some developments, for example in finance and some areas of science, rather
than made them possible.
On the other hand, I am persuaded that
Jews have also had some important
negative influences. I am morally certain
that Jewish involvement in the radical
left in the early to middle part of the last century was a necessary (but not
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
is really an attempt to understand the 20
century as a Jewish century
a century in which Jews and Jewish organiza
tions were deeply involved in all the
pivotal events. From the Jewish viewpoint it has been a period of great progress,
though punctuated by one of its darkest tragedies. In the late 19
century the
great bulk of the Jewish population lived in Eastern Europe, with many Jews
mired in poverty and all surrounded by
are central to Judaism as a group evol
utionary strategy: High intelligence
(including the usefulness of intelligence
in attaining wealth) and the ability to
cooperate in highly organized, cohesive
groups (MacDonald 1994). This has led
repeatedly to Jews becoming an elite a
Preface to the First Paperback Edition
I acknowledge the critical comments of
Patrick OBrien and James C.
Russell in the preparation of this preface.
This book is the third and final volume developing an evolutionary
perspective on Judaism. The first book,
A People That Shall Dwell Alone:
Judaism as a Group Evolutionary Strategy
(MacDonald 1994; herafter
presented a theory of Judaism within an
evolutionary framework, and the second
Separation and Its Discontents: Toward an Evolutionary Theory of Anti-
(MacDonald 1998a; hereafter
) presented an evolutionary theory

Introduction and Theory
individuals, and that these individuals
were pursuing a Jewish agenda in and
participating in these movements.
Thus there is no implication that Juda
ism constitutes a unified movement or
that all segments of the Jewish community participated in these movements. Jews
may constitute a predominant or necessary element in radical political
movements or movements in the social sciences, and Jewish identification may
be highly compatible with or even fac
ilitate these movements without most Jews
being involved in these movements. As a result, the question of the overall
effects of Jewish influences on gentile cu
lture is independent of the question of
some radical political movements are th
erefore facts highly relevant to the
That some gentiles were involved in these movements is not surprising
Introduction and Theory
Almost one-half of Kadushins (1974, 23
) sample of elite post-World War II
American intellectuals was Jewish. The sample was based on the most frequent
contributors to leading intellectual journals, followed by interviews in which the
intellectuals voted for another intellectua
l they considered most influential in
their thinking. Over 40 percent of the Jews in the sample received six or more
votes as being most influential, compared to only 15 percent of non-Jews (p. 32).
It is therefore not surprising that Joseph Epstein (1997) finds that during the
1950s and early 1960s being Jewish wa
s honorific among intellectuals
generally. Gentile intellectuals scoured
their genealog[ies] fo
r Jewish ancestors
(Epstein 1997, 7). By 1968 Walter Kerr
could write, what has happened since
World War II is that the American sensib
ility has become part Jewish, perhaps as
much Jewish as it is anything else Th
e literate American mind has come in
some measure to think Jewishly. It has been taught to, and it was ready to. After
the entertainers and novelists came the
Jewish critics, politicians, theologians.
Critics and politicians and theologians are by profession molders; they form ways
of seeing. In my personal experience, this
honorific status of Jewish intellectuals
remains common among my colleagues and is apparent, for example, in
absolute numbers of Jews, or their percen
tage of the whole, fails to recognize
certain key if intangible factors: the assertiveness and often dazzling verbal skills
of Jewish Bolsheviks, their energy, and their strength of conviction. Jews tend
to be far above average on these traits, and these traits have been central to
Judaism as a group evolutionary strategy throughout history.
Writing of American Jewish radicals, Sorin (1985, 121-122) notes
particularly their hard work and dedication, their desire to make a mark on the
world, and their desire to rise in the world, engage in personal promotion, and
achieve public acclaimall traits that l
ead to upward mobility in any walk of
life. These activists therefore became a
more powerful, effective force than
Introduction and Theory
alliances and trading monopolies or in
the intellectual and political movements
discussed here (see especially
, Ch. 5).
Another major theme of this volume is
that Jewish intellectuals have
developed intellectual movements that have subjected the institutions of gentile
community. However, beginning with the Converso turmoil in fifteenth-century
Spain these negative views often appeared
in the most prestigious intellectual
circles and in the mass media. These views
generally subjected the institutions of
Introduction and Theory
were instrumental in developing ideas th
at subverted traditional German attitudes
and beliefs. Jews were vastly overrepresented as editors and writers during the
1920s in Germany, and a more general
cause of increased an
ti-Semitism was the
very strong and unfortunate propensity
of dissident Jews to attack national
institutions and customs in both social
ist and non-socialist publications (Gordon
1984, 51).
This media violence directed at German culture by Jewish writers
such as Kurt Tucholskywho wore his
subversive heart on his sleeve (Pulzer
1979, 97)was publicized widely by th
e anti-Semitic press (Johnson 1988, 476-
Jews were not simply overrepresented among radical journalists,
intellectuals, and producers of culture
in Weimar Germany, they essentially
created these movements. They violentl
y attacked everything about German
and very active in its own order. One might describe it as a
radical defiance of all that which is social conceived as a
constraint from which to be liberated. Spinoza and Brunschvieg
achieved this liberation throug
Introduction and Theory
identity characterized the great major
ity of these individuals, and that all
involved alienation from and re
The discussion therefore reflects Sorkins (1985, 102) description of
Introduction and Theory
during the 1930s also resulted in an attr
action of Jews to the left (Liebman 1979,
420ff, 507).
It will be apparent in Chapter 2 that
who had a very strong Jewish identity despite
being a baptized Christian, stated
that persecution although unjust may have
reduced the modern Jews to a state
almost justifying malignant vengeance. Th
ey may have become so odious and so
hostile to mankind as to merit for their present conduct, no matter how
occasioned, the obloquy and ill-treatment of the communities in which they dwell
and with which they are scarcely permitted to mingle. The result, according to
Disraeli, is that Jews would perceive ge
Introduction and Theory
the pathologies of Jewish life, particul
arly the sense that all the world is
against us, the resulting fear, resentment, and hatred of the
group identity) rather than from individua
l effort: In the sixteenth century the
scale of values became ever more unbalan
ced, resulting in the concept that it was
more important to establish
the person was rather than evaluate his capacity
for work or thought (Castro 1971, 581; italics in text). The ideology of
individual merit as the basis of value prom
oted by the Converso intellectuals may
thus be seen as an instance of combati
ng categories of social identity in which
one is devalued.
The other side of the coin is that Jews
have often reacted quite negatively to
Jewish writers who portray Jewish charact
ers as having negative or disapproved
traits. For example, Philip Roth has b
een extensively criticized by Jews and
Jewish organizations for portraying such characters, or at least for portraying
such characters in America, where his
work could be read by anti-Semites (see
Roth 1963). While the ostensible reason fo
r this concern was the possibility that
such portrayals might lead to anti-Semitism, Roth (1963, 452) suggests also that
what is really objected to, what is immediately painful is its direct effect upon
certain Jews. You have hurt a lot of people
s feelings because you have revealed
something they are ashamed of. The imp
lication of Roths critics is that the
ingroup should be portrayed in positiv
e terms; and indeed, the most common
type of Jewish literary activity has portrayed Jews as having positive traits (Alter
1965, 72). The quote also reflects the discussion of Jewish self-deception in
(Ch. 8): The shame resulting from awareness of actual Jewish behavior is only
half-conscious, and any challenge to this
self-deception results in a great deal of
psychological conflict.
The importance of social identity pro
cesses in Jewish intellectual activity
was recognized some time ago by Thorst
ein Veblen (1934). Veblen described the
preeminence of Jewish scholars and scientis
ts in Europe and noted their tendency
to be iconoclasts. He noted that the Enlightenment had destroyed the ability of
Jewish intellectuals to find comfort in th
e identity provided by religion, but they
do not therefore simply accept uncritically
the intellectual structures of gentile
Introduction and Theory
Because I was a Jew, I found myself free from many prejudices which limited
others in the employment of their intellects, and as a Jew I was prepared to go
into opposition and to do without the agreem
ent of the compact majority. In a
Introduction and Theory
Moreover, since ones willingness to accept influence depends on ones
willingness to identify with the stereotypical qualities of an ingroup, the
movements not only were conceptualized
in universalist terms, rather than
Jewish particularist terms; they were also depicted as motivated only by the
aimed at showing that Jewish behavior
was irrelevant to anti-Semitism while at
same time (in the case of psychoanalysis and the Frankfurt School) showing that

American sociology has struggled
with the contrary claims
of those afflicted with physics envy and researchers more
The Boasian School and the Decline of Darwinism
Dosse 1997 II, 30). Western universalism and ideas of human rights were viewed
designing arguments that would rebut or refute an ideological
outlookracismwhich he considered restrictive upon
its advocates have been masked by
a language of science in which such
identifications and interests were publicly illegitimate.
Boas was reared in a Jewish-liberal family in which the revolutionary
ideals of 1848 remained influential.
He developed a left-liberal posture
which is at once scientific and po
litical (Stocking 1968, 149). Boas married
The Boasian School and the Decline of Darwinism
theories of Houston Stewart Chamberlain (see
, Ch. 5) and American
eugenicists like Madison Grant, whose book,
The Passing of the Great Race
(1921, 17), was highly critical of Boass research on environmental influences on
skull size. The result was that in mess
age and purpose, [Boass anthropology]
was an explicitly antiracist science (Frank 1997, 741).
Grant characterized Jewish immigrants
as ruthlessly self-interested whereas
American Nordics were committing racial
suicide and allowing themselves to be
elbowed out of their own land (1921, 16, 91). Grant also believed Jews were
engaged in a campaign to discredit racial research:
It is well-nigh impossible to publish in the American
newspapers any reflection upon cer
tain religions or races which
are hysterically sensitive even when mentioned by name
Abroad, conditions are fully as bad, and we have the authority of
one of the most eminent anthropologists in France that the
collection of anthropological
and data among
French recruits at the outbreak
of the Great War was prevented
by Jewish influence, which aimed to suppress any suggestion of
racial differentiation in France. (1921, xxxi-xxxii)
An important technique of the Boasian school was to cast doubt on general
theories of human evolution, such as t
hose implying developmental sequences,
by emphasizing the vast diversity and ch
aotic minutiae of human behavior, as
well as the relativism of standards of cultural evaluation. The Boasians argued
The Boasian School and the Decline of Darwinism
Ashley Montagu was another influentia
l student of Boas (see Shipman 1994,
159ff). Montagu, whose original name w
as Israel Ehrenberg, was a highly visible
crusader in the battle against the idea of
racial differences in mental capacities.
He was also highly conscious of being
Jewish, stating on one occasion that if
you are brought up a Jew, you know that a
ll non-Jews are anti-Semitic I think
it is a good working hypothesis (in Shipman, 1994, 166). Montagu asserted that
race is a socially constructed myth. Humans are innately cooperative (but not
innately aggressive) and there is
a universal brotherhood among humansa
highly problematic idea for many in the wake of World War II. Mention also
should be made of Otto Klineberg, a professor of psychology at Columbia.
Klineberg was tireless and ingenious in
his arguments against the reality of
racial differences. He came under the influence of Boas at Columbia and
dedicated his 1935 book
to him. Klineberg made it his
business to do for psychology what his frie
nd and colleague at Columbia [Boas]
had done for anthropology: to rid his discipline of racial explanations for human
social differences (Degler 1991, 179).
It is interesting in this regard that
the members of the Boasian school who
achieved the greatest public renown were
two gentiles, Benedict and Mead.
in several other prominent historical cases (see Chs. 3, 4;
, Ch. 6), gentiles
became the publicly visible spokespersons
for a movement dominated by Jews.
Indeed, like Freud, Boas recruited gentiles into his movement out of concern
that his Jewishness would make his science appear partisan and thus
compromised (Efron 1994, 180).
The Boasian School and the Decline of Darwinism
extraordinarily successful: The profession
as a whole was united within a single
national organization of academically orie
nted anthropologists. By and large,
they shared a common understanding of the fundamental significance of the
and concern for virginity, were attribut
ed to Western influence (Stocking 1989,
The Boasian School and the Decline of Darwinism
Jewish influence on the social sciences
has extended far beyond Boas and the
American Anthropological Association. Hollinger (1996, 4) notes the
on the IQ debates of the 1920s and their link to the immigration issue and
eventually the Holocaust bear scrutin
y. They illustrate how skill as a
The Boasian School and the Decline of Darwinism
town Jew and the dwellers on the other side
of the tracks in many of these idyllic
reflecting that his own middle-European family [and, I suppose, other Jews]
could have been excluded by the restri
ctive immigration la
ws, Kamin concluded
that an arrogant and unfounded assumption
of IQ heritability had helped produce
an unjust social policy in the 1920s (p. 208).
Kamin (1974a,b) and Gould (1981/1996a)
have been in the forefront of
spreading disinformation about the role of
IQ testing in the immigration debates
of the 1920s. Snyderman and Herrnstein (1983; see also Samelson 1982) show
that Kamin and Gould misrepresented H. H.
Goddards (1917) study of the IQ of
Jewish immigrants as indicating that 83 percent of the Jews, 80 percent of the
Hungarians, 79 percent of the Italians
, and 87 percent of the Russians were
feeble-minded (Kamin 1974, 16). As Snyderman and Herrnstein (1983, 987)
note, The fact that is most often cited as evidence of IQs nativistic bias was
not based on IQ scores, not taken ev
en by its discoverer as accurately
representative of immigrants or as a clean measure of inherited abilities, and it
used a test that was known at the time to
exaggerate feeblemindedness in adult
populations of all sorts. Indeed, Goddar
d (1917, 270) noted that we have no
data on this point, but indirectly we may
argue that it is far more probable that
their condition is due to environment than
it is due to heredity, and he cited his
own work indicating that immigrants accounted for only 4.5 percent of inmates
in institutions for the feebleminded.
Degler (1991, 39) finds that Gould e
ngaged in a single minded pursuit of
Goddard (p. 40), presenting a false picture of Goddard as a rigid hereditarian or
elitist. Gould ignored Goddards doubt
s and qualifications as well as his
statements on the importance of the environment. There can be little doubt that
Gould was engaging in scholarly fraud in
this endeavor: Degler (1991, 354n16)
notes that Gould quoted Goddard just prior to the following passage and was thus
aware that Goddard was far from rigid in his beliefs on the nature of
The Boasian School and the Decline of Darwinism
also overrepresented in Termans study of gifted children, a result that was
many who wished to leave but had nowhere to go. The paths to
destruction are often indirect, but ideas can be agents as sure as
guns and bombs. (Gould 1981,
233; see also Gould 1998)
Indeed, although there is no evidence that IQ testing or eugenic theories had
anything more than a trivial influence on the 1924 immigration law, there is
evidence that the law was perceived by Jews
as directed against them (see Ch. 7).
Moreover, concerns about Jews and their
denigrate studies linking brain size with IQ despite a great deal of contrary
research both prior to and especially since his 1981 edition (see summary below).
The Boasian School and the Decline of Darwinism
In his revision, Gould also does not discuss an article by J. S. Michael (1988)
that shows that, contrary to Goulds claim, Samuel George Morton did not fudge
his data on race differences in skull size, intentionally or otherwise. Moreover,
although Mortons research was conducted
with integrity (Michael 1988, 253),
it included an error that actually favored a non-Caucasian groupan error that
Gould failed to mention while at the same
time Gould himself made systematic
errors and used arbitrarily chosen procedures in his calculations. And Gould did
so in a manner that favored his own hypothesis that there are no racial differences
in cranial capacity.
Gould also failed to revise his defamation of H. H. Goddard in which he
claimed that Goddard had doc
tored photographs of the fam
ous Kallikak family to
are mere accidents and did not contribute to Darwinian fitness or to the solution
of adaptive problems in ancestral e
nvironments (see Lewin 1992, 145-146).
perspective is thus meant to be a skir
mish in the nature-nurture debate over
regarding the fundamental intellectual
The Boasian School and the Decline of Darwinism
biologists, Gould is considered a pestnot just a lightweight but an actively
muddled man who has warped the publics
understanding of Darwinism. A false
picture perhaps, but one that is not without its usefulness in satisfying political
On a more personal level, I clearly recall that one of my first noteworthy
experiences in graduate school in the behavioral sciences was being exposed to
The Boasian School and the Decline of Darwinism
group evolutionary strategy has been to
skew these debates in a manner that has
impeded progress in the biological and social sciences.
Richard Lerner (1992) in his
Final Solutions: Biology, Prejudice, and
is perhaps the most egregious example of a scientist motivated to
discredit evolutionary-biological thinki
ng because of putative links with anti-
Semitism. (Barry Mehler, a protg of Je
rry Hirsch, is also explicit in making
these linkages, but he is far less prominent academically and functions mainly as
a publicist for these views in leftist intellectual media. See Mehler [1984a,b].
Mehler graduated from Yeshiva University and organized a program, The
Jewish Experience in America 1880 to 1975, at Washington University in St.
Louis, suggesting a strong Jewish identification.) Lerner is a prominent
developmental psychologist, and his vol
ume indicates an intense personal
involvement directed at combating anti-Semitism by influencing theory in the
behavioral sciences. Prior to discussing
differences (the program of the science
The Boasian School and the Decline of Darwinism
of morality in which there is continuity of Jewish group identity but an
eradication of anti-Semitism. As such,
dynamic contextualism can be seen as one
of many post-Enlightenment attempts to
reconcile Judaism with the modern
There is no question that Lerner strongly believes in the moral imperative of
his position, but his moral crusade has led him well beyond science in his
attempts to discredit biological theories in the interests of combating anti-
Lerner coauthored an article in the journal
Human Development
(Lerner & von Eye 1992) directed at combating the influence of biological
thinking in research on human development. My edited volume (
Perspectives on Human Development
MacDonald 1988b) is prominently cited as
an example of an evolutionary approach
deriving from E. O. Wilsons work and
as a point of view that has found support and application (p. 13). As their
example of how this point of view has
been supported and applied, Lerner and
von Eye cite the work of J. Philippe Rushton on racial differences in r/K
reproductive styles. The implication would appear to be that my edited volume
was somehow a basis of Rushtons work. Th
is is inaccurate, since (1) the volume
never mentioned Negroid-Caucasian diffe
rences in intelligence or any other
phenotype, and (2) the book was published after Rushton had already published
his work on the r/K theory of racial
differences. However, the association
and von Eyes paper can accurately be d
The Boasian School and the Decline of Darwinism
The central message of Lerners book is
that there is a possible causal chain
linking Darwinism to an ideology of gene
theory of anti-Semitism implies just th
e opposite: Although humans appear to be
biologically predisposed toward ingr
oup-outgroup conflict, there is no reason
whatever to suppose that group member
ship or group permeability itself is
The Boasian School and the Decline of Darwinism
Judaism. As a result, in the contempor
ary Western world Jewish groups often go
to great lengths to discourage interma
rriage and to develop greater Jewish
consciousness and commitment among Jews.
This attempt to reestablish the
cultural supports for Jewish identificati
on and non-assmilation often involves the
advocates theories proposing that nature consists of extremely complex
The Boasian School and the Decline of Darwinism
narrow criterion of publishable research, Lewontin freed himself to pursue a
political agenda unencumbered by science. He adopted the relativist view that
accepted truth, unless based on ineluctable fact, is no more than a reflection of
dominant ideology and political power.
Similar themes with similar
motivations characterize the ideologies of the Frankfurt School and
postmodernism discussed in Chapter 5.
Nevertheless, Lewontin
(1994a, 34) portrays his ideologically inspired
efforts as deriving from a concern for scientific rigor: We demand certain
canons of evidence and argument that
are formal and without reference to
empirical content the logic of statistical inference; the power of replicating
presumably argue that none of these studies reach acceptable levels of scientific
Franz Boas would be proud.
I could never understand what
Judaism had to do with
Marxism, and why questioning the latter was tantamount to
being disloyal to the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. (Ralph
de Toledano [1996, 50] discussing his experiences with Eastern
European Jewish intellectuals)
Socialism, for many immigrant Jews, was not merely politics
or an idea, it was an encompassing culture, a style of perceiving
and judging through which to structure their lives. (Irving Howe
1982, 9)
adoption of such an ideology essentially
remove one from the Jewish community
and its traditional commitment to se
paratism and Jewish nationhood? Or, to
rephrase this question in terms of my perspective, could the advocacy of radical,
universalist ideologies and actions be comp
atible with continued participation in
Judaism as a group evolutionary strategy?
ty of the Jews who advocated leftist
government was forced to come to grips w
identifications of these two revolutiona
ries. Indeed, Hook (1949, 465) finds a
perception among leftists that there was
becomes more difficult for Jews to accep
t a non-Jewish identity. Thus in the
interwar period in Poland Jewish cultural
assimilation increased substantially; by
1939 one half of Jewish high school studen
ts called Polish their native language.
However, the continuation of traditio
nal Jewish culture among a substantial
proportion of Jews and its correlative anti-Se
mitism resulted in a barrier for Jews
in adopting a Polish identification (Schatz 1991, 34-35).
From the standpoint of gentiles, however, anti-Semitic reactions to
individuals like Luxemburg and othe
r outwardly assimilating Jews may be
viewed as resulting from an attempt to prevent deception by erring on the side of
of Jews as a group. In the absence of a clearly perceived conflict with Jewish
and greater contact with Jews abroad. A writer friend described him as first of
all a Jew Ehrenburg had rejected his origins with all his being, disguised
himself in the West, smoking Dutch tobacco and making his travel plans at
Cooks But he did not erase the Jew
(p. 204). Ehrenburg never denied his
Jewish origins and near the end of his lif
e often repeated the defiant conviction
that he would consider himself a Jew as long as there was a single anti-Semite
left on earth (Rubenstein 1996, 13). In
a famous article, he cited a statement
that blood exists in two forms; the blood that flows inside the veins and the
blood that flows out of the veins Why do I say, We Jews? Because of blood
(p. 259). Indeed, his intense loyalty to
Stalins regime a
nd his silence about
Moreover, there is good evidence that both in the czarist period and in the
postrevolutionary period, Jewish Bolshevi
ks perceived their activities as entirely
congruent with Jewish interests. The revol
ution ended the officially anti-Semitic
czarist government and although popular
anti-Semitism continued in the
postrevolutionary period, the government
officially outlawed anti-Semitism.
Jews were highly overrepresen
ted in positions of economic and political power
as well as cultural influence at least into
the 1940s. It was also a government that
aggressively attempted to destroy all v
estiges of Christianity as a socially
The great majority of this group were so
cialized in very traditional Jewish
whose inner life, customs and folklore, religious traditions,
religious education and practice,
through holiday celebrations,
tales, and songs, through the stories told by parents and
grandparents, through listening to discussions among their
elders The result was a deep co
re of their identity, values,
norms, and attitudes with which they entered the rebellious
period of their youth and adulthood.
This core was to be
transformed in the processes of
acculturation, secularization,
held the promise of power and influence
for Jews and the end of state-sponsored
At one end of the spectrum of Jewish
identification were communists who
began their career in the Bund or in Zionist organizations, spoke Yiddish, and
worked entirely within a Jewish milieu.
Jewish and communist identities were
These Jewish communists were also e
ngaged in elaborate rationalizations
and self-deceptions related to the role of
the communist movement in Poland, so
created, but without projecting myself. Naturally, this required a
certain agility. (In Toranska 1987, 237)
Clearly Berman identifies himself as a Jew and is well aware that others
perceive him as a Jew and that therefore he must deceptively lower his public
war during World War II, whereas the Polis
h government in exile in London held
introduce a governmental structure that th
e majority of the Poles do not wish to
have (in Schatz 1991, 107).
The Jewish-dominated communist governme
nt actively sought to revive and
knew that as Communists, or as both Communists and Jews, they
were hated at least in the same way. In their eyes, the enemy was
essentially the same. The old evil
deeds had to be punished and
new ones prevented and a merc
iless struggle was necessary
It is revealing that when Jewish econom
ic and political domination gradually
decreased in the mid- to late-1950s, many of these individuals began working in
the Jewish economic cooperatives, and Jew
s purged from the internal security
service were aided by Jewish organizations funded ultimately by American Jews.
There can be little doubt of their contin
uing Jewish identity and the continuation
of Jewish economic and cultural separatis
m. Indeed, after the collapse of the
communist regime in Poland, numerous
Jews, some of them children and
They came to see their former anti-Zionism as a mistake and became now strong
supporters of Israel (p. 314).
In conclusion, Schatzs treatment
shows that the generation of Jewish
evidence indicates submerged and self-decep
tive levels of Jewish identity even
among the most assimilated of them. The en
tire episode illustrates the complexity
of Jewish identification, and it exemplifies the importance of self-deception and
rationalization as central aspects of Judaism
as a group evolutionary strategy (see
, Chs. 7, 8). There was massive self-deception and rationalization regarding
the role of the Jewish-dominated gove
rnment and its Jewish supporters in
eliminating gentile nationalist elites,
of its role in opposing Polish national
culture and the Catholic Church while bu
ilding up a secular Jewish culture, of its
115). A major theme of this chapter is that a great many avowedly de-racinated
Jewish radicals had self-deceptive images of their lack of Jewish identification.
The following comment about a very
prominent American Jewish radical,
Emma Goldman, illustrates the general trend:
The pages of the magazine
Mother Earth
that Emma
Goldman edited from 1906 to 1917 are filled with Yiddish
stories, tales from the Talmud, and translations of Morris
duplicate. Even the class enemythe Jewish employerspoke Yiddish (Levin
1977, 210).
Indeed, the socialist educational program of the Workmans Circle (the
largest Jewish labor fraternal order in th
What my parents had done in joining the Communist Party
almost all the Jewish giants
among them Abraham Cahan,
Morris Hillquit, and the young Mo
rris R. Cohenwere radicals.
Even Samuel Gompers, when speaking before Jewish audiences,
felt it necessary to use radical phrases.
In addition,
, which was an unofficial organ of the Communist
Klehr (1978, 40) estimates that from 1921 to 1961, Jews constituted 33.5
percent of the Central Committee member
s, and the representation of Jews was
often above 40 percent (Klehr 1978, 46)
[Svonkin 1997, 159]another example of the many revisionist attempts, some
recounted in this chapter, to render
incompatible Jewish identification and
to have typically involved a desire to
remain in the self-contained Yiddish
communist subculture. Liebman (1979, 522) describes an individual who finally
these ordinary Communists whose lives demonstrate that some
rank-and-file members were willing to serve the USSR by
spying on their own country. There but for the grace of not being
asked went other American Communists. The CPUSA showered
hosannas on the USSR as the promised land. In Communist
liberal thank-tankery had little sympathy for bow-legged men with their
American Legion caps and their fat wives, their yapping about Yalta and the
Katyn Forest. Catholic and kitsch, looking out of their picture windows at their
flock of pink plastic flamingos, the
lower middles and their foreign policy
to be taken seriously (von Hoffman 1996, C2).
However, besides poisoning the atmosphere of domestic politics, communist
espionage had effects on foreign policy as well:
Adelson (1972) found that 90 percent of
his sample of radical students at the
University of Michigan were Jewish, and
it would appear that a similar rate of
participation is likely to have occurred
at other schools, such as Wisconsin and
Braungart (1979) found that 43 percent of the SDS membership in
his sample of ten universities had at least
one Jewish parent a
nd an additional 20
percent had no religious affiliation. The la
tter are most likely to be predominantly
Jewish: Rothman and Lichter (1982, 82) f
ound that the overwhelming majority
of the radical students who claimed that their parents were atheists had Jewish
Jews also tended to be the most publicized leaders of campus protests
(Sachar 1992, 804). Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, and Rennie Davis achieved
national fame as members of the Chicago Seven group convicted of crossing
state lines with intent to incite a riot at the 1968 Democratic National
from families which around the breakfast ta
ble, day after day, in Scarsdale,
Newton, Great Neck, and Beverly Hills ha
ve discussed what an awful, corrupt,
morally superior movementthe light of
the nations theme that has repeatedly
emerged as an aspect of Jewish self-identit
y since antiquity and especially since
the Enlightenment (
Ch. 7). Thus Fuchs (1956, 190-191) suggests that the
Jewish involvement in liberal causes st
ems from the unique moral nature of
Judaism in inculcating charity towards the poor and needy. Involvement in these
causes is viewed as simply an extension
of traditional Jewish religious practices.
Similarly, Hertzberg (1985, 22) writes of the echo of a unique moral sensibility,
c interest when the cause seems just.
As indicated in
(Chs. 5, 6), there is every indication that traditional
Jewish concern for the poor and needy w
as confined within Jewish groups, and in
Social identity theory provides a
quite different perspective on Jewish
radicalism. It stresses that perceived Je
wish group interests are fundamental to
Jewish political behavior, and that these pe
rceived group interests are importantly
influenced by social iden
tity processes. If indeed ra
dical politics resulted in a
strong sense of identification with a Jewish ingroup, then Jewish involvement in
these movements would be associated with very negative and exaggerated
ly important motivating factors for
Jewish leftism in czarist Russia. Jewish
As a result, a great many Jews were a
ttracted to radical political solutions
Ultimately this population explosion in
the context of poverty and politically
imposed restrictions on Jews was respons
ible for the generally destabilizing
effects of Jewish radicalism on Russia up
to the revolution. These conditions also
had spill-over effects in Germany, wh
ere the negative attitudes toward the
contributed to the anti-Semitism of the period (Aschheim
1982). In the United States, the point of this chapter is that a high level of inertia
characterized the radical political beliefs
held by a great many Jewish immigrants
and their descendants in the sense that ra
dical political beliefs persisted even in
the absence of oppressive economic and political conditions. In Sorins (1985,
46) study of immigrant Jewish radical ac
tivists in America, over half had been
involved in radical politics in Europe
before emigrating, and for those
immigrating after 1900, the percentage rose to 69 percent. Glazer (1961, 21)
notes that the biographies of almost all radical leaders show that they first came
in contact with radical political ideas in
Europe. The persistence of these beliefs
influenced the general political sensibility
of the Jewish community and had a
overthrow of capitalism because they te
nded to be relatively economically
privileged. Surveys from the 1960s and 1970s indicated that middle-class Jews
were more radical than working-class Jewsa pattern opposite to that of non-
Jewish radical students (Rothman & Lichter 1982, 117, 219;
Levey 1996,
). Lower percentages of Jews than memb
ers of other religions believed that
supporting a Democratic candidate would
further their economic interests, but
Jews nevertheless tended overwhelmingly
to vote Democratic (Liebman 1973,
convention than by those I saw at the Republican convention, a well-known
author told me.
The suggestion is that in general Jewis
h political motivation is influenced by
non-economic issues related
to perceived Jewish group interests, the latter
influenced by social identity processes. Si
milarly in the politically charged area
of cultural attitudes, Silberman (1985, 3
50) notes American Jews are committed
to cultural tolerance because of their beliefone firmly rooted in historythat
ability to create a nonoppressive social orderfindings that are reminiscent of
the motivating role of revenge for an
ti-Semitism among the Jewish-dominated
security forces in communist Poland di
scussed above. These findings are also
entirely consistent with my experience
among Jewish New Left activists at the
University of Wisconsin in the 1960s (see note 13).
The social identity perspective predicts
that generalized negative attributions
of the outgroup would be accompanied by
positive attributions regarding the
Jewish ingroup. Both Jewish communists in
Poland and Jewish New Left radicals
had a powerful feeling of cultural superior
ity that was continuous with traditional
Jewish conceptions of the superiority of
their ingroup (Cohen 1980, 212; Schatz
1991, 119). Jewish self-conceptualizations
of their activity in developing an
adversarial culture in the United States
tended to emphasize either the Jew as the
historical victim of gentile anti-Semitism or the Jew as moral hero, but in both
cases the portrait is the obverse of that of
the anti-Semite. Jews lack warts. Their
motives are pure, their idealism genuine (Rothman & Lichter 1982, 112).
Studies of Jewish radicals by Jewish social
scientists have tended to gratuitously
attribute Jewish radicalism to a free choice of a gifted minority (Rothman &
Lichter 1982, 118) when economic explan
ations failedyet another example
where Jewish group status appears to affect
social science research in a manner
that serves Jewish group interests.
Moreover, a universalist utopian ideo
logy such as Marxism is an ideal
vehicle for serving Jewish attempts to develop a positive self-identity while still
ingredient of Judaism in all historical
eras. As Schatz (1991, 105) notes in his
description of the underground Jewish communist revolutionaries in Poland
during the interwar period, The move
ment was part of a worldwide,
international struggle for nothing less than
the fundamental change of the very
these attributes can be found as defining features of more traditional Jewish
Further evidence of the importance of
social identity processes may be found
in Charles Liebmans (1973, 153ff) sugges
tion that leftist universalist ideology
allows Jews to subvert traditional soci
al categorizations in which Jews are
viewed in negative terms. The adoption of
such ideologies by Jews is an attempt
to overcome Jewish feelings
of alienation from the roots and the traditions of
gentiles (and, perhaps, self-deception)
, and that these movements essentially
function as a form of crypto-Judaism.
In the language of social identity theory
, an ideology is created in which the
social categorization of Jew-gentile is mi
nimized in importance, and there are no
negative attributions regarding Jewish
group membership. The importance of
Trotsky and other Jews in the Russian Socialist Democratic Labor Party
these individuals to socialism declined
and was replaced by a strong sense of
actions would lead to anti-Semitism.) From their own perspective, they were
successfully engaging in crypsis: They
supposed that their Jewishness was
expected to understand the exigen
cies of the capitalist system as
it applies to both Jew and Gentile
act strangely like Hitlerian Aryanswhen it comes to colored
folks? asked Langston Hughes, bitter after a feud with Jewish
communists. (Kaufman 1997, 110)
This sense of condescending superiority
of Jewish radicals in the civil rights
movement has been identified as a source
of the current upsurge of anti-Semitism
among African Americans.
It is of some interest to attempt to un
derstand the ultimate fate of Judaism in
Moreover, Lindemann points out that several of the top gentiles in the
Bolshevik movement, including Lenin,
might be termed jewified non-Jews
a term, freed of its ugly connotations, [tha
t] might be used to underline an often
prominent Jewish scientists and artists to
deflect charges of anti-Semitism. Full-
blown state-sponsored anti-Semitism emerged in the post-World War II era,
Schatz 1991, 264ff). After Nikita Khrush
chevs de-Stalinization speech of 1956
the party split into a Jewish and anti-Jew
ish section, with the anti-Jewish section
complaining of too many Jews in top positions. In the words of a leader of the
anti-Jewish faction, the preponderance
of Jews makes people hate Jews and
mistrust the party. The Jews estrange pe
(in Schatz 1991, 306, 307). The remaining Jews both as a collective and as
individuals were singled out, slandered,
ostracized, degraded, threatened, and
intimidated with breathtaking intensity and malignance (p. 308). Most left
Poland for Israel, and all were forced
to renounce their Polish citizenship. They
left behind only a few thousand mostly aged Jews.
The case of Hungary is entirely analogous to Poland both in the origins of the
triumph of communist Jews and in their eventual defeat by an anti-Semitic
movement. Despite evidence that Stalin wa
s an anti-Semite, he installed Jewish
communists as leaders of his effort to dominate Hungary after World War II. The
continued to be a prominent factor in
the post-revolutionary period despite its
group evolutionary strategy, and this is i
ndeed an important direction of current
Jewish intellectual and politi
cal activity (see Chs. 5-7).
In this regard it is interesting that
many neoconservative Jewish intellectuals
in the contemporary United States have rejected corporate, statist ideologies as a
direct consequence of the recognition
that these ideologies have resulted in
corporate, state-sponsored anti-Semitism. Indeed, the beginnings of the
neoconservative movement can be traced to
the Moscow Trials of the 1930s in
which many of the old Jewish Bolsheviks,
including Trotsky, were convicted of
treason. The result was the development of
the New York Intellectuals as an anti-
Stalinist leftist movement, parts of whic
h gradually evolved into neoconservatism
(see Ch. 6). The neoconservative movement has been fervently anti-communist
shall see that psychoanalysis has played a similar role among a large number of
The familiar caricature of the bearded and monocled
Freudian analyst probing his reclining patient for memories of
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
In addition to constituting the core of
the leadership and the intellectual
vanguard of the movement, Jews have also constituted the majority of the
movements members. In 1906 all 17 me
mbers of the movement were Jewish,
and they strongly identified as Jews (Klein 1981). In a 1971 study, Henry, Sims
and Spray found that 62.1 percent of their sample of American psychoanalysts
identified themselves as having a Jewish cultural affinity, compared with only
16.7 percent indicating a Protestant affinity
and 2.6 percent a Catholic affinity.
An additional 18.6 percent indicated
no cultural affinity, a percentage
considerably higher than the other cate
gories of mental health professional and
suggesting that the percentage of psyc
hoanalysts with a Jewish background was
even higher than 62 percent (Henry, Sims & Spray 1971, 27).
We have seen that a common component of Jewish intellectual activity since
the Enlightenment has been to criticize
gentile culture. Freuds ideas have often
been labeled as subversive. Indeed, [Fr
eud] was convinced that it was in the
very nature of psychoanalytic doctrine
to appear shocking and subversive. On
board ship to America he did not feel
that he was bringing that country a new
panacea. With his typically dry wit he told his traveling companions, We are
bringing them the plague (Mannoni 1971, 168).
and when the Nazis entered Vienna in 1938, they ordered Freud to leave and
Internationaler Psychoanalytischer Verlag
In the United States, by the second de
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
Larmarckianism, that is, the feeling of a powerful tie to the Jewish past as shaped
by Jewish culture, the feeling that one can not escape being a Jew, and that often
what one feels most deeply and obscurely is a trilling wire in the blood. In the
following passage from
the Jews are proposed to have
fashioned themselves to become a morally and intellectually superior people:
The preference which through two thousand years the Jews
have given to spiritual endeavour h
as, of course, had its effect; it
has helped to build a dike agains
t brutality and the inclination to
intellectuals had a strong racial sense
of Jewish peoplehood and felt racial
estrangement from gentiles; they also made statements that can only be
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
environment while growing up, his reli
gious education, and his knowledge of
Hebrew, Yiddish, and Jewish religious
traditions (Goodnick 1993; Rice 1990;
Yerushalmi 1991, 61ff).
Deception is also indicated by the evidence that Freud felt that one reason
psychoanalysis needed highly visibl
e gentiles was because he viewed
psychoanalysis as subverting
gentile culture. After publishing
Little Hans
1908, he wrote to Karl Abraham that the book would create an uproar: German
ideals threatened again! Our Aryan comrad
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
indicating that psychoanalysis was viewed by its founder as a mechanism for
ending anti-Semitism.
[Freud] was proud of his enemiesthe persecuting Roman
Catholic Church, the hypocritical bourgeoisie, the obtuse
psychiatric establishment, the materialistic Americansso
proud, indeed, that they grew in his mind into potent specters far
more malevolent and far less divided than they were in reality.
He likened himself to Hannibal, to Ahasuerus, to Joseph, to
Moses, all men with historic missions, potent adversaries, and
difficult fates. (Gay 1988, 604)
This comment is an excellent example of the consequences of a strong sense
of social identity: Freuds powerful se
nse of Jewish group identity resulted in
negative stereotypical thinking regarding
religious thought very common among inte
llectual apologists of Reform Judaism
during the same period.
Thus for Otto Rank, who developed
a close father-son relationship with
Freud, Jews were uniquely qualified to cure
neurosis and act as the healers of
humanity (Klein 1981, 129). Developing a variant of the perspective Freud used
, Rank argued that
whereas other human cultures had repr
essed their primitive sexuality in the
ascent to civilization, Jews possessed sp
ecial creative powers since they had
been able to maintain a direct relation
to nature, to primitive sexuality (Klein
1981, 129).
Within this perspective, anti-Se
mitism results from the denial of
sexuality, and the role of the Jewish mi
ssion of psychoanalysis was to end anti-
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
figure of the semitic general rose still higher in my esteem. To
my youthful mind Hannibal and Rome symbolized the conflict
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
The bizarre argument of Freuds (1939)
Moses and Monotheism
is quite
clearly an attempt to show the moral superiority of Judaism compared to
Christianity. Freuds hostility to the Cat
holic Church is apparent in this work:
The Catholic Church, which so far has been the implacable enemy of all
freedom of thought and has resolutely opposed any idea of this world being
governed by advance towards the recogn
ition of truth! (p. 67). Freud also
reiterates his conviction that religi
on is nothing more than neurotic
symptomatologya view first developed in his
Totem and Taboo
All religions may be symptoms of neur
osis, but Freud clearly believed that
(Chapter 3), Jewish monotheism is cl
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
As Herbert Marcuse (1974, 17) writes concerning this aspect of Freuds
thought: The notion that a non-repressive civilization is impossible is a
cornerstone of Freudian theory. However,
his theory contains elements that break
through this rationalization; they shatter the predominant tradition of Western
thought and even suggest its reversal
. His work is characterized by an
uncompromising insistence on showing th
e repressive content of the highest
values and achievements of culture.
Western culture has been placed on the c
ouch, and the role of psychoanalysis
is to help the patient adjust somewh
at to a sick, psychopathology-inducing
of highly critical accounts of psychoanalysis that began appearing in the 1970s
by scholars such as Henri Ellenberger
(1970), Frank Sulloway (1979a), Adolph
Grnbaum(1984), Frank Cioffi (1969, 1970, 1972), Hans Eysenck (1990),
Malcolm Macmillan (1991), E. Fuller Torrey
(1992), and perhaps most famously,
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
tongue or pen; freely, much too freely, em
ployed diagnostic term
and homosexual to characterize their associates and indeed themselves. They
all practiced in their circle the kind of w
ild analysis they decried in outsiders as
tactless, unscientific, and counterproductive.
Gay (1988, 543) calls
Civilization and Its Discontents
one of [Freuds] most
influential writings. It now seems appare
nt that the theory Freud developed in
Civilization and Its Discontents
and his earlier work,
number of extremely naive, prescientific conceptualizations of human sexual
behavior and its relation to culture. It is noteworthy that in arriving at his views
Freud was forced to summarily reject
Edward Westermarcks theory of incest,
which is the basis of modern scientific
However, by means of these speculative leaps, Freud managed to diagnose
Western culture as essentially neurotic wh
ile apparently, on the basis of the
, holding the view that Judaism represents
the epitome of mental health and mora
l and intellectual superiority. Freud
appears to have been well aware that his highly subversive conjectures in
and Taboo
were entirely speculative. When the book was called a just so story
by a British anthropologist in 1920, Freud was amused and stated only that his
critic was deficient in phantasy (Gay
1988, 327), apparently a concession that
the work was fanciful. Freud stated, It would be nonsensical to strive for
exactitude with this material, as it woul
d be unreasonable to demand certainty
(in Gay 1988, 330). Similarly, Freud described
Civilization and Its Discontents
Gay (1988, 537) finds that it fell short of
his self-imposed standards, which, as
we have already seen, were hardly av
erse to speculation in the service of a
political agenda. Again, however, Freud e
ngages in scientific speculation in the
service of an agenda of subverting the institu
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
The seduction stories that provide the em
pirical basis of the Oedipal complex
of a given hypothesis to all of its extant rivals (Crews 1994, 40;
italics in text). As indicated in Chapter 6,
the development of consensual theories
consistent with observable reality but wit
hout any scientific content is a hallmark
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
and plays. Love or romance had no place in the Judengasse [Jewish quarter].
Love was therefore viewed by Freud as an
invention of the alien gentile culture
and thus morally suspect. Its true hypocr
itical nature as a veneer for and really
only a sublimation of the sexual instinct
would be unmasked by psychoanalysis.
As described more fully below, it was a
devastating analysisan analysis with
on and pleasure. In the real world,
achieving evolutionary goals demands that
While Darwin was satisfied with revising his work after
further reflection and absorbing palpable hits by rational critics,
while he trusted the passage of
time and the weight of his
argumentation, Freud orchestrated his wooing of the public mind
through a loyal cadre of adherents, founded periodicals and
wrote popularizations that would spread the authorized word,
dominated international congresses of analysis until he felt too
frail to attend them and after that through surrogates like his
daughter Anna. (Gay 1987, 145)
Scholars have recognized that this sel
f-consciously oppos
itional, subversive
stance characteristic of psychoanalysis
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
staunch Freud disciple Fritz Wittels (1924,
138) reports that during the period
when Freud and Jung were close, Freud
often said of Jung, This is my beloved
son in whom I am well pleased.
Wittels (1924) also decried the suppression of free criticism within the
consisting of attempts to show that
Ranks behavior was an indication of
Most recently Jeffrey Masson has been
expelled from the movement because
he questioned the Freudian doctrine that
patients reports of sexual abuse were
fantasies. As with the other dissenters, su
ch a view entails a radical critique of
Freud, since it entails the rejection of
the Oedipal complex. As with Talmudic
discussions, one could question Freud, but
the questioning had to be done within
a certain framework and within the guild
. Stepping outside of the framework,
being willing to question the very foundations of psychoanalysis, is unthinkable
for most analysts (Masson 1990, 211). Massons expulsion was characterized
not by scientific debate about the accuracy of his claims but by a Stalinist show
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
The apex of this authoritarian aspect of
the movement was the creation of a
tight, small organization of loyalists who
se main task was to prevent departures
from orthodoxy (Gay 1988, 229-230). Fr
eud accepted the idea with enthusiasm.
What took hold of my imagination immediately, is your [Ernest Joness] idea of
Regarding Ferenczi, Grosskurth (1991) notes, The thought of a
disagreement with Freud was unbearable
(p. 141), There were occasions when
he [Ferenczi] rebelled against his dependenc
for analysis or simply by removing dissenters from training programs.
Further evidence for the essentially politi
cal character of psychoanalysis is
the unique role of disciples able to trace th
emselves back to Freud in a direct line
of descent. The idea of being a chosen disciple, privileged to have direct contact
with the master, has survived and is con
tinued in the procedures of many of the
training programs of the institutes (Arlow & Brenner 1988, 5; see also Masson
1990, 55, 123). The intensely filial relations
hips to Freud of the first generation
were gradually replaced by highly emoti
onal relationships to a fantasied Freud,
still the primal founder, but also to organizations, to peers, to superiors in the
institute hierarchyabove allto the training analyst, the training analysts
analyst, and, if possible, back to Freu
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
analytic literature of articles redoing, extending, deepening, and modifying
Freuds early case histories (Arlow & Bre
nner 1988, 5). Indeed, it is remarkable
to simply scan psychoanalytic journal articles and find that a large number of
references are to Freuds work performed well over 60 years ago. The 1997
volume of
Psychoanalytic Quarterly
had 77 references to Freud in 24 articles.
Only five articles had no references to Fre
ud, and of these, one
had no references
at all. (In keeping with psychoanalytic
tradition, there were no empirical studies.)
There thus appears to be a continuing te
ndency noted by Wittels (1924, 143) long
ago: The faithful disciples regard one
anothers books as of no account. They
recognize no authority but Freuds; they rarely read or quote one another. When
they quote it is from the Master, that they
may give the pure milk of the word.
The continued use of Freuds texts in instruction and the continuing
references to Freuds work are simply not conceivable in a real science. In this
regard, although Darwin is
venerated for his scientific work as the founder of the
modern science of evolutionary biology, studies in evolutionary biology only
infrequently refer to Darwins writings because the field has moved so far
On the Origin of Species
and Darwins other works
important texts in the history of science, but they are not used for current
instruction. Moreover, central features of Darwins account, such as his views on
Indeed, in works such as Grosskurths (1991)
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
and Coyne (1993) conclude their discussion of Dora by arguing that in general
psychoanalysis was characterized by thought control, manipulation, and
debasement of the analysand. Crews
(1993, 56) also describes a scarcely
believable case in which Freud manipulate
d Horace Frink, president of the New
has supported the American Psychoanalytic
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
positive reception for psychoanalysis in
France was ascribed to irrational
defenses (p. 30), and a similar situation in
Austria was attributed to a general
resistance to psychoanalysis (p. 24
5), where resistance is used with
psychoanalytic connotations.
Because Freuds ideology was self-consciously subversive and, in particular,
because it tended to undermine Wester
n institutions surrounding sex and
marriage, it is of some interest to consider the effects of these practices from an
evolutionary perspective. Western ma
rriage has long been monogamous and
exogamous, and these features contrast strongly with features of other stratified
world. The massive confusion characteristic of psychoanalysis is also apparent in
Freuds close colleague, Fritz Wittels. Witte
ls expected an era of liberation and
sexual freedom to be ushered in by a gr
oup of Jewish psychoanalytic messianists,
but his expectation was based on a pr
ofound misunderstanding of sex and human
psychology. Wittels condemned our
contemporary goddamned culture for
forcing women into the cage of monoga
my (in Gay 1988, 512), a comment that
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
revolution is to occur. (Wrigley & Schofield 1981, 439; see also
Hajnal 1965; MacFarlane 1986)
There is thus some reason to suppo
se that monogamy, by resulting in a low
pressure demographic profile, was a n
ecessary condition for industrialization.
This argument suggests that socially imposed monogamyembedded in the
styles. Low-investment parenting is asso
ciated with precocious sexuality, early
reproduction, lack of impulse control, and
unstable pair bonds (Belsky, Steinberg
& Draper 1991). Ecologically, high-investment parenting is associated with the
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
[e.g., Dixon 1985]), all things being equal, free consent to marriage is more likely
to result in affection being one criterion of importance.
influenced thought in a wide range of ar
eas, including sociology, child rearing,
criminology, anthropology, literary critic
ism, art, literature, and the popular
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
influential. Of the 21, 15 were Jewish,
and questionnaires and analysis of the
writings of these 15 indicated that 11 had been significantly influenced by
Freudian theory at some point in their careers (p. 185). (This includes three
cases in which the writings of Wilhelm Reic
h, the leader of the Freudian left,
were more influential than those of
Freud: Saul Bellow, Paul Goodman, and
Norman Mailer.) In addition, 10 of these 11 (Saul Bellow excepted) were
identified as having liberal or radical political beliefs at some period of their
Indeed, Marcuse ends the book with a
ringing defense of the fundamental
importance of sexual repression in opposition to several neo-Freudian
revisionist theorists such as Erich Fr
omm, Karen Horney, and Henry Stack
Sullivan. Interestingly, Marcuse proposes th
at neo-Freudianism arose because of
the belief that orthodox Freudian sexua
l repression theory would suggest that
socialism was unattainable (pp. 238-239)
. These neo-Freudian revisionists must
thus be seen as continuing the psychoanaly
tic critique of culture, but in a manner
that deemphasizes the exclusive concern with sexual repression. These
theoristsand particularly Erich Fromm,
who had a very strong Jewish identity
(Marcus & Tar 1986, 348-350; Wiggershaus 1994, 52ff) and very self-
consciously attempted to use psychoan
alysis to further a radical political
agendacan be viewed as optimistic-utopian.
Like Marcuse, Fromm was a member of
the first generation of the Frankfurt
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
of the
whole new line of Freudian (or Reichi
an) radicalism, which did so much to
undermine the intellectual consen
Although the works of Marcuse, Goodman, Fiedler, and Mailer are
illustrative of the deeply subversive
cultural critiques emanating from
psychoanalysis, these works are only one asp
ect of an incredibly broad program.
Kurzweil (1989) has provided a comprehensive overview of the influence of
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
book that enlarged their critiques to ever
y political topic (Kurzweil 1989, 315).
Psychoanalysis can be justified solely
by its usefulness in cultural criticism
independent of data on its effectiveness in therapy.
The most influential psychoanalyst in post-World War II Germany was the
leftist Alexander Mitscherlich, who viewed psychoanalysis as necessary to
humanize Germans and defend against
the inhumanities of civilization (in
Kurzweil 1989, 234). Regarding the necessity
to transform Germans in the wake
of the Nazi era, Mitscherlich believed that only psychoanalysis held out the hope
of redemption for the German people: E
ach German had to face this past
individually via a more or less pragmatic Freudian analysis (p. 275). His
adopted a generally adversarial stance toward German culture,
combining Marxist and psychoanalytic pe
rspectives in an attempt to further
antifascist thinking (p. 236). The Bernfeld Circle of leftist psychoanalysts
emphasizing the social-critical elements of psychoanalysis was also active in
Germany during this period (p. 234).
As is typical of the field generally, these psychoanalysts also produced a
interestedess and animality. This scientifically deflating
realization is what the Freudi
an community needs to challenge
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
undemonstrablea description that has, as we have seen, always been a
hallmark of psychoanalytic theorizing whatever the subject matter. In both cases
persuasively that Freud saw himself as a leader of the Jewish people and that his
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
investment parenting, and Jews benefit
by the decline in religious belief among
1989), later age of first marriage, and greater investment in education than non-
Jewish families. Recent findings indicate
that the age of first sexual intercourse
for Jewish adolescents is higher and the ra
te of unwed teenage pregnancy lower
because of the economic stresses typically accompanying divorce and single-
parenting are much lessened (McLanah
an & Booth 1989; Wallerstein & Kelly
These data indicate that Jews have been relatively insulated from the trends
wealthy, intelligent, and nurturing than
the typical single mother from the lower
The sexual revolution has thus had little effect on parental investment among
people in the highest categories of c
ognitive ability. These results are highly
Jewish Involvement in the Psychoanalytic Movement
increasing trend toward low-investment parenting in the United States largely
coincides with the triumph of the ps
ychoanalytic and radical critiques of
American culture represented by the poli
tical and cultural success of the counter-
cultural movement of the 1960s. Since 1970 the rate of single-parenting has
increased from one in ten families to one
in three families (Norton & Miller
1992), and there have been dramatic in
creases in teenage sexual activity and
teenage childbearing without marriage (Furstenberg 1991). There is excellent
evidence for an association among teenage
single-parenting, poverty, lack of
education, and poor developmental outcomes for children (e.g., Dornbusch &
Gray 1988; Furstenberg & Brooks-Gunn 19
89; McLanahan & Booth 1989; J. Q.
Wilson 1993b).
Indeed, all the negative trends related to
the family show very large increases
that developed in the mid-1960s (Herrn
stein & Murray 1994, 168ff; see also
sensibility as well as reality. In 1965, 69 percent of American
women and 65 percent of men under the age of thirty said that
premarital sex was always or
almost always wrong; by 1972,
these figures had plummeted to 24 percent and 21 percent In
1990, only 6 percent of British men and women under the age of
thirty-four believed that it was always or almost always wrong.
(Himmelfarb 1995, 236)
Although there is little reas
on to suppose that the battle for sexual freedom so
central to psychoanalysis had the inten
tion of benefiting the average resource
Hatred and [the] spirit of sacrifice are nourished by the
image of enslaved ancestors rath
er than that of liberated
grandchildren. (
, Walter Benjamin 1968, 262)
The Culture Of Critique
The Nazis perceived the Institute of
Social Research as a communist
organization and closed it within six week
s of Hitlers ascent to
power because it
had encouraged activities hostile to the st
ate (in Wiggershaus
1994, 128). Even
after the emigration of the Institute to
the United States, it was widely perceived
as a communist front organization with a dogmatic and biased Marxist
perspective, and there was a constant bala
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
from a strange mentality. What else can a stranger do? But my
strong will prevailed because my message deserves to be said
regardless of its stylistic shortcomings. (Horkheimer,
; in Tar 1977, 60)
T. W. Adorno, first author of the famous Berkeley studies of authoritarian
personality reviewed here, was also a direct
or of the Institute, and he had a very
close professional relationship with Hor
kheimer to the point that Horkheimer
wrote of their work, It would be difficult
to say which of the ideas originated in
his mind and which in my own; our phi
losophy is one (Horkheimer 1947, vii).
Jewish themes became increasingly prominen
t in Adornos writings beginning in
1940 as a reaction to Nazi anti-Semitism. I
ndeed, much of Adornos later work
may be viewed as a reaction to the Holocaust, as typified by his famous comment
The Culture Of Critique
passively in the maintenance of univers
al injustice (in Wiggershaus 1994, 184).
The social scientist must therefore be a
critic of culture and adopt an attitude of
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
The priority of the moral and political
agenda of Critical Theory is essential
to understanding the Frankfurt School and
its influence. Horkheimer and Adorno
eventually rejected the cl
assical Marxist perspective on the importance of class
struggle for the development of fascism in
favor of a perspective in which both
fascism and capitalism were fundament
ally conceptualized as involving
domination and authoritarianism. Furthe
r, they developed the theory that
disturbed parent-child relations involving
the suppression of human nature were a
necessary condition for domination and authoritarianism.
Obviously, this is a perspective that is
highly compatible with psychoanalytic
theory, and indeed psychoanalysis w
as a basic influence on their thinking.
Virtually from the beginning, psychoanalysis had a respected position within the
Institute for Social Research, particular
ly under the influence of Erich Fromm.
Fromm held positions at the Frankfurt Psyc
hoanalytic Institute as well as at the
Institute for Social Research, and alo
ng with other left-Freudians such as
Wilhelm Reich and eventually Marcuse, he
developed theories that incorporated
The Culture Of Critique
1936, a work that presented Fromms psychoanalytic theory of authoritarian
sado-masochistic family relationships
and their putative linkages with
bourgeois capitalism and fascism.
This philosophical-speculative approach
to anti-Semitism was refined in the
chapter on anti-Semitism in Horkhe
imer and Adornos (1944/1990)
Dialectic of
In addition to being highly ab
stract and written in what might
be termed a Hegelian manner, the style of
writing is assertional: Statements about
anti-Semitism are simply asserted with
no attempt to provide any empirical
As Jacob Katz (1983, 40) notes, the Frankfurt School has not
been notable for the accuracy of its ev
aluation of the Jewish situation either
before the advent of Nazism or afterward. However, many of the ideas simply
asserted there in a philosophical, speculative
manner are identical to the theories
of anti-Semitism contained in
. Indeed, the authors
viewed the chapter on anti-Semitism as a
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
The non-empirical nature of the theory
of anti-Semitism was quite clear to
Adorno as well: [W]e never regarded the
The Culture Of Critique
function except to serve as a means of discharging the anger of those who are
frustrated economically and sexually (p. 171).
Horkheimer and Adorno propose that mode
rn fascism is basically the same
as traditional Christianity because both
involve opposition to and subjugation of
nature. While Judaism remained a natural
religion concerned with national life
and self-preservation, Christianity turned
toward domination and a rejection of
all that is natural. In an argument reminiscent of Freuds argument in
(see Ch. 4), religious anti-Semitism
then arises because of hatred of
those who did not make the dull sacrifice of reason The adherents of the
religion of the Father are hated by th
ose who support the religion of the Son
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
. They posit a natural, nonconforming,
reflective self in opposition to
The Culture Of Critique
ntile groups based on conformity to
group norms have been abolished as ma
nifestations of psychopathology.
Horkheimer and Adorno developed the vi
ew that the unique role of Judaism
in world history was to vindicate th
e concept of difference against the
homogenizing forces thought to represent the essence of Western civilization:
The Jews became the metaphoric equi
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
important theme here is that
Studies in Prejudice
and, especially,
attempt to show that ge
ntile group affiliations, and
particularly membership in Christian
religious sects, gentile nationalism, and
close family relationships, are an indication of psychiatric disorder. At a deep
level the work of the Frankfurt School is
The Culture Of Critique
attitudes was a deception overlaying a commitment to racialism and a highly
cohesive group strategy: While he
[the Jew] seems to overflow with
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
have an inherent right to be different fro
m others and to be accepted by others as
different. Indeed, to become differentiate
d from others is to achieve the highest
level of humanity. The result is that
no party and no movement, neither the Old
Left nor the New, indeed no collectivity
of any sort was on the side of truth
[T]he residue of the forces of true chan
ge was located in the critical individual
alone (Maier 1984, 45).
As a corollary of this thesis, Adorno a
dopted the idea that the basic role of
philosophy is the negative role of resisti
ng attempts to endow the world with any
universality, objectivity, or tota
lity, that is, with a single organizing
The Culture Of Critique
Judaism, like any other historically particular entity, must remain beyond the
reach of science, forever incomprehensible in its uniqueness and ever in
opposition to all attempts to develop homoge
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
culpable for the misdeeds of a few. Indivi
dualists form mild attachments to many
groups, whereas collectivists have an inte
nse attachment and identification to a
few ingroups (1990, 61).
The expectation is that individualists will tend to be less predisposed to anti-
Semitism and more likely to blame any
offensive Jewish behavior as resulting
from transgressions by individual Jews rath
er than stereotypically true of all
Jews. However Jews, as members of a collectivist subculture living in an
The Culture Of Critique
Minton & Reynolds 1991, 196; Hyman & Sheatsley 1954). The result is that
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
last part of Browns comment reflects the feeling one has in reading the book,
namely, that the beliefs of the authors
were important in
The Culture Of Critique
held negative views of gentile (i.e., outgr
oup) culture. Nevertheless, as we shall
see, the agenda of
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
neighborhood is that they gradually give
it a typical Jewish atmosphere. Brown
(1965, 483) comments, How could it be otherwise? Surely Jews will produce a
Jewish atmosphere. They will at any ra
te do so if one thinks of Jews as
categorically different from non-Jews. Ho
wever, it is just this saliency of
Jewishness which the authors consider
the beginning of anti-Semitism. Here
the implicit assumption is that the sa
lience of the Jewish-gentile social
categorization signals anti-Semitism in gentiles and therefore indicates disturbed
parent-child relations. Nevertheless, am
ong Jews such a social categorization
process is critical for the continuation of Judaism as a group evolutionary
Similarly ironic as an aspect of the
Anti-Semitism Scale is the inclusion of
the items I can hardly
imagine myself marrying a Jew and It is wrong for
Jews and Gentiles to intermarry. Such
attitudes apparently result from disturbed
parent-child relationships
among gentiles and the suppression of human nature,
yet the rejection of intermarriage has been common among Jews. Indeed, the
threat of intermarriage has recently produced a crisis within the Jewish
community and has resulted in intensive e
fforts to persuade Jews to marry other
Jews (see
Other items reflecting aspects of Judaism
as a group evolutionary strategy in
fact have substantial empirical support.
For example, several items are concerned
with perceptions of Jewish clannishness
and its effect on residential patterns and
business practices.
Other items are concerned with perceptions that Jews
engage in cultural separatism and with
perceptions that Jews have power, money
and influence out of proportion to their
numbers in the population. There is an
item that reflects the overrepresentation of Jews in leftist and radical political
causes: There seems to be some revolutionary streak in the Jewish make-up as
shown by the fact that there are so many Jewish Communists and agitators.
However, data reviewed in this volume,
indicate that in fact
there is considerable truth in all th
ese generalizations. Being high on the Anti-
Semitism Scale may therefore simply
mean that one has access to more
information rather than a sign of a disturbed childhood.
Particularly interesting is the patr
iotism scale, designed to tap attitudes
involving blind attachment to certain
national cultural values, uncritical
conformity with the prevailing group wa
ys, and rejection of other nations as
outgroups (p. 107). Again, strong attachment to group interests among the
majority group is considered pathol
ogy, whereas no mention is made of
analogous group attachments among Jews. An advocacy of strong discipline and
conformity within the majority group is
an important indicator of this pathology:
One scale item reads, Minor forms of military training, obedience, and
discipline, such as drill, marching, and si
mple commands, should be made a part
The Culture Of Critique
of the elementary school educational progr
am. However, no mention is made of
discipline, conformity, and the socializa
tion of group cohesiveness as important
ideals within minority group strategies. As indicated in
(Ch. 7),
traditional Jewish socialization practices have placed strong emphasis on
discipline within the group and psychological acceptance of group goals (i.e.,
These results are of interest because an
important aspect of this entire effort
is to pathologize positive attitudes toward creating a highly cohesive, well-
disciplined group strategy among gentiles,
but nevertheless failing to censure
such attitudes among Jews. Individuals hi
gh on the Ethnocentrism Scale as well
as the Anti-Semitism Scale are undoubted
ly people who are very group-
conscious. They see themselves as members of cohesive groups, including, in
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
psychiatric disorder and that identifi
cation with humanity is the epitome of
mental health, but he never draws the obvi
ous inference that Jews themselves are
unlikely to identify with humanity, given the importance of ingroup-outgroup
distinctions so central to Judaism. Moreover, Levinson describes the anti-Semite
Macks demand that Jews assimilate as a demand that Jews liquidate
themselves, that they lose entirely their cu
ltural identity and adhere instead to the
prevailing cultural ways (p. 97). Levinson sees the demand that Jews assimilate,
and thus abandon rigid ingroup-outgroup social categorization processes, as an
aspect Macks anti-Semitic psychopatholog
y; at the same time Levinson is
perfectly willing to advocate that the anti-Semite identify with humanity and
abandon ingroup-outgroup social categor
The Culture Of Critique
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
parent-child relationships predict lack
of acceptance of parents religious group
membership, whatever the religion involved.
Part II of
The Authoritarian Personality
consists of five chapters by Else
The Culture Of Critique
their parents; that is, the low scorers
have no emotional response at all toward
them. One wonders, then, in what sense
the low scorers can be said to have
genuinely positive emotional re
lationships with their parents. As we shall see, the
data as a whole indicate very high levels of hostility and ambivalence among the
In contrast, high scoring women are said to perceive themselves as
victimized by their parents. The word
victimized has negative connotations,
and my own reading of the published in
terview material suggests that the
subjects are expressing negative feelings toward parental discipline or unfairness
within the context of an overall positive re
lationship. Parent-child relationships,
like any relationship, may be viewed
as consisting of positive and negative
attributes from the standpoint of the
childmuch like an account ledger.
Relationships in general are not likely to
be perfect from the standpoint of all
parties because peoples interests conflict. The result is that a perfect relationship
from one persons standpoint may seem like exploitation to the other person in
the relationship. So it is in parent-c
hild relationships (MacDonald 1988a, 166-
169). A perfect relationship from the standpoi
nt of the child would be unbalanced
and would undoubtedly be highly unbalanced
against the parentwhat is usually
termed a permissive or indulge
nt parent-child relationship.
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
me about learning to keep house I am glad now, but I resented it then. It is
only by accepting a psychodynamic interp
The Culture Of Critique
These results are an excellent example
of the ideological biases characteristic
of this entire project. A developmental psychologist looking at these data is
impressed by the fact that the parents of
the high scorers manage to inculcate a
very positive perception of family life in their children while managing to
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
the social categorization system of their parents. They must view their families as
ingroups and ultimately accept the ingroup
represented by Judaism. Again, the
fundamental intellectual difficulty that runs throughout the entire book is that its
agenda must inevitably pathologize in gen
tiles what is critical to the maintenance
of Judaism.
The success of the families of high scorers
in transmitting parental values is
illustrated by the fact that children of the high scorers feel a sense of obligation
and duty toward their parents. Note partic
ularly the response of F78, about whom
it was said, Her parents definitely appr
ove of the engagement. Subject wouldnt
even go with anyone if they didnt like
him (p. 351). Here a woman who intends
to marry someone approved by her parents
and who takes account of the views of
her parents in dating is viewed as having a psychiatric disorder. One wonders if
Frenkel-Brunswik would similarly analyze such a response in a Jewish subject.
Another indication of the overwhelmingly positive family experiences of the
high scorers is that they often comment
that their parents were very solicitous
toward them. Within Frenkel-Brunswiks
worldview, this is another sign of
pathology among the high scorers that
is variously labeled ego alien
dependence (p. 353) and bla
Consider, for example, the following
response from a high scorer, F79: I
The Culture Of Critique
strong sense of parental control over children, including anger directed at the
child and considerable use of physical punishment performed in anger (pp. 336-
337). Patterns of highly intrusive,
solicitous, dependency-producing, and
authoritarian parenting continue among
contemporary Hasidic Jews (Mintz 1992,
This style of high-investment parenting in
which high levels of solicitude are
combined with powerful controls over child
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
with ones own pleasures rather than fam
ily needs. Mental health in the low
scorers is indicated by their being aw
are of familial psychopathology, whereas
the pathological high scorers simply fail to recognize these phenomena in their
families and persist in their delusions that
their parents are self-sacrificing, loving
This is a good example of the usef
ulness of psychodynamic theory in
creating a politically effective reality. Beha
vior that conflicts with ones theory
can be ascribed to repression of deep c
onflicts, and truly pathological behavior
becomes the essence of sanity because th
e subject recognizes it as such. Frenkel-
Brunswik invents the term denial of conflict as a description of the pathology
of the high-scoring families (p. 369), a term that is reminiscent of ego-alien
dependence and victimization men
tioned earlier. My reading of these
protocols would lead me to label the relati
onships as lack of conflict, but in the
upside-down world of
The Authoritarian Personality
, lack of apparent conflict is
a sure sign of the denial of extremely severe conflict.
The same picture is presented in sibling relationships. Sibling relationships
described in very positive terms by high-scoring subjects are pathologized as
conventional idealization or glori
fication, whereas the very negative
relationships of low scorers are describ
ed as objective appraisal. The following
description of a brother from a high scorer illustrates how Frenkel-Brunswik
manages to pathologize highly cohesi
ve, self-sacrificing family life among
gentiles: M52: Well, hes a wonderful kid Has been wonderful to my
parents Now 21. Always lived at home
Gives most of his earnings to my
parents (p. 378). The assumption seems to be that this description could not
conceivably be accurate and is ther
efore an example of pathological
glorification of siblings.
Frenkel-Brunswik also attempts to pa
thologize gentile concern with social
class and upward social mobility. High scorers are portrayed as status
concerned and therefore pathological fo
r such statements as the following: M57,
on being asked why his parents disciplined him, replies, Well, they didnt want
me to run with some kind of peopleslummy womenalways wanted me to
associate with the higher class of people (p. 383).
A concern with social status is thus viewed as pathological. An evolutionary
perspective, in contrast to Frenkel-
Brunswiks view, emphasizes the adaptive
significance of social class status. An evolutionist would find the behavior of the
parents to be quite adaptive, since they
want their son to be concerned about
upward social mobility and want a respectable woman for a daughter-in-law. The
parents are concerned about social status, and an evolutionist would note that
such a concern has been of critical evolu
The Culture Of Critique
The other example of concern with social status presented by Frenkel-
Brunswik is an individual w
ho is concerned with havi
ng biological heirs. A high
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
through high school with one girl Very religious She was more or less what
I was looking for. Very religious.
An evolutionist looking at these protocols is impressed by the fact that the
high-scoring males appear as individuals who wish to enter a marriage in which
they have a high degree of paternity confidence. They want a woman with high
moral standards who is unlikely to be se
xually attracted to other males, and they
seek women with conventional moral valu
es. High-scoring females seem intent
on being exactly this sort of woman. They project the image of having very high
standards of sexual decorum and wi
sh to maintain a reputation as
Further, the high-scoring females want males who are hardworking, go-
The Culture Of Critique
underlying disrespect and thus have no evidence for its existence. But
psychodynamic theory allows Frenke
l-Brunswik to infer its existence
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
In fact one might infer that a prominent aspect of this material is the attempt
to pathologize adaptive gentile behavior
in general. Gentiles who value high-
investment marital relationships and coh
esive families, who are upwardly mobile
and seek material resources, who are proud of their families and identify with
their parents, who have high self-concepts
, who believe that Christianity is a
positive moral force (p. 408) and a spir
itual consolation (p. 450), who strongly
identify as males or females (but not bo
th!), and who are socially successful and
wish to emulate paragons of social succ
ess (e.g., American heroes) are viewed as
having a psychiatric disorder.
It is highly ironic that a publication of a major Jewish organization would
include a concern with social status and material resources, high-investment
parenting, identifying with parents, an
d having pride in ones family among the
signs of psychiatric disorder in gentiles given the extent to which all these
attributes characterize Jews. Indeed, the au
thors make the remarkable conclusion:
We are led to suspect, on the basis of
results in numerous areas, that upward
class mobility and identification with th
e status quo correlate positively with
The Culture Of Critique
result that they seek such warm, affecti
onate relationships in
others. There is
much evidence in the interview material th
at the actual parent-child relationships
of the low scorers were ambivalent
and hostile, and often characterized by
desertion and even abuse (see above). Th
e expected consequence of such a
situation is that the child will be rebelli
ous against the parents, not identify with
the family or larger social categories accepted by the family, and be preoccupied
acDonald 1992a, 1997a).
The positive family experiences of the hi
gh scorers, in contrast, provide them
with a powerful sense of emotional security
in their personal relationships, with
the result that in the projective testing they are externally oriented (pp. 563,
565) and concentrate to a much greater
extent on instrumental values important
in attaining social status and accomplishing other socially approved tasks, such as
accumulating resourcesworkambitionactivity (p. 575). Levinson
pathologizes this external orientation
by saying that individuals giving these
responses seem afraid to look inward at a
ll, for fear of what they will find (p.
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
The perspective developed here thus
inverts the psychodynamic perspective
because it essentially accepts the data at their
face value. Because of their fundamentally political program of indicting gentile
culture and especially gentiles who repr
esent the most successful and culturally
The Culture Of Critique
described poor relationships with their pa
rents, the results were taken at face
value. The result was not science, but it
was effective in achieving its political
It is noteworthy that all five volumes of the
Studies in Prejudice
psychoanalysis to produce theories in
which anti-Semitism is attributed to
intrapsychic conflict, sexual repressions, a
nd troubled parent-child relationships
while also denying the importance of cultu
ral separatism and the reality of group-
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
families in the same manner as any number
of other beliefs are transmitted. Thus
The Culture Of Critique
although there are individual differences in
attraction to ingroups (and, indeed,
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
theory also fails to explain short-term
changes in hatred to
ward Jews, such as
found by Massing (1949), which could not po
ssibly have been caused by changes
in parent-child relationships or patte
rns of sexual repression. One might also
mention the very rapid changes in Am
erican attitudes toward the Japanese
before, during, and after World War II, or the rapid decline in anti-Semitism in
the United States following World War II.
A prominent aspect of the
program of research
The Culture Of Critique
The Authoritarian Personality
, can be integrated with contemporary
psychological data. However, I woul
d suggest that developing a body of
scientific knowledge was never an important consideration in these studies. The
agenda is to develop an ideology of an
ti-Semitism that rallies ingroup loyalties to
Judaism and attempts to alter gentile culture
in a manner that benefits Judaism by
portraying gentile group loyalties (incl
uding nationalism, Christian religious
affiliation, close family relationships,
high-investment parenting, and concern
with social and material success) as indicators of psychiatric disorder. Within
these writings the nature of Judaism is co
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
Judaism is conceptualized, as Ackerm
an and Jahoda (1950, 74) suggest in
another volume of
Studies in Prejudice
, as a Rorschach inkblot in which the
pathology of anti-Semites is revealed.
These theories serve the same functions
that Jewish religious ideology has always served: the rationalization of the
continuation of Judaism both to ingroup
members and to gentiles combined with
very negative views of gentile culture.
As in the case of psychoanalysis generally, the results of scientific
investigation appear to be largely unrel
ated to the dissemination and persistence
of the idea that authoritarianism or certain
types of parent-child relationships are
linked to hostility toward other groups.
A consistent thread of Altemeyers
(1981) review of the
Authoritarian Personality
literature is that these ideas
persist within the wider culture and even
within textbooks in college psychology
The reader familiar with the
matter knows that most these
criticisms are over 25 years old, and now they might be
considered little more than flaying a dead horse. Unfortunately
the flaying is necessary, for
the horse is not dead, but still
trotting aroundin various introductory psychology and
developmental psychology textbooks, for example.
The Culture Of Critique
versions. Altemeyer notes, Despite the statement that the most discriminating
items on the initial form were carried over to the next model in the same or
slightly revised form, the books and
movies item simply disappeared, forever.
It is not hard to construct a scale which
will correlate highly with another if you
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
The Culture Of Critique
relationships, and scorn for upward social
mobility, social status, family pride,
the Christian religion, and patriotism.
We have seen that despite this antago
nistic perspective on gentile culture,
Jewish 1960s radicals continued to identify
with their parents and with Judaism.
The countercultural revolution was in a ve
ry deep sense a mission to the gentiles
in which adaptive behavior and group-identifications of gentiles were
pathologized while Jewish group identification, ingroup pride, family pride,
upward social mobility, and group con
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
activist; see Ch. 7, note 1.) As indicated by the title,
The Politics of Unreason
The Culture Of Critique
characterized by Nugent (1963, 22) as having a querulous view of popular
movements, which seem to threaten the leadership of an urbanized, often
academic, intelligentsia or elite, and the u
se of concepts that originated in the
behavioral sciences. In terms derived entirely from the
studies, pseudo-conservatism is di
agnosed as among other things a
disorder in relation to authority, characterized by an inability to find other modes
for human relationship than those of
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
and cultural predominance. On the othe
r side were what Higham (1984, 49)
terms the common people of the South a
nd West who were battling to maintain
their own cultural and demographic domi
The Culture Of Critique
, in which the lower middle-class is regarded as highly prone to
tions (as indicated by participating
in authoritarian groups!) as a response to their economic and social status
frustrations. It is not surprising that
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
that the humanities had been revolutionized
by the critical legacy of the Sixties
(p. 12)a point of view, Kramer and Kimball note, often denied by the academic
left but commonplace in conservative publications like
The New Criterion
The Culture Of Critique
Jacques Derrida, the premier philosopher
of deconstruction, whose philosophy
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
The persecutions, which were unlike those of Europe, were
all the same unleashed in the ab
sence of any German occupier
It is an experience that leaves not
hing intact, an atmosphere that
one goes on breathing forever. Jewish children expulsed from
school. The principals office: You are going to go home, your
parents will explain. Then the Allies landed, it was the period of
the so-called two-headed governme
nt (de Gaulle-Giraud): racial
laws maintained for almost six months, under a free French
government. Friends who no longer knew you, insults, the
Jewish high school with its expulsed teachers and never a
whisper of protest from their colleagues From that moment, I
felthow to put it?just as out-of-place in a closed Jewish
community as I did on the other side (we called them the
Catholics). In France, the suffe
naively thought
that anti-Semitism had disappeared But during adolescence, it
tragedy, it was present in everything else Paradoxical
effect, perhaps, of this brutalization: a desire for integration in
the non-Jewish community, a fascinated but painful and
suspicious desire, nervously vig
ilant, an exhausting aptitude to
ing which the singular character of
J.D.s belonging to Judaism is imprin
ted on him: wound, certainly, painful and
practiced sensitivity to antisemitism
and any racism, raw response to
xenophobia, but also impatience with gregarious identification, with the
militancy of belonging in general, even
if it is Jewish I believe that this
difficulty with belonging, one would almo
st say of identification, affects the
whole of J.D.s oeuvre, and it seems to me
that the deconstruction of the proper
is the very thought of this, its thinking affection.
Indeed, Derrida says as much. He recalls
that just before his Bar Mitzvah
(which he again notes was termed communion by the Algerian Jewish
community), when the Vichy government expelled him from school and
withdrew his citizenship, I became the outside, try as they might to come close
to me theyll never touch me again I did my communion by fleeing the
prison of all languages, the sacred one th
ey tried to lock me up in without
opening me to it [i.e., Hebrew], the secular [i.e., French] they made clear would
never be mine (Derrida 1993b, 289).
The Culture Of Critique
As with many Jews seeking a semi-cryptic pose in a largely non-Jewish
environment, Derrida altered his name
to Jacques. By choosing what was in
some way, to be sure, a semi-pseudonym but also very French, Christian, simple,
I must have erased more things than I could say in a few words (one would have
to analyze the conditions in which a certain communitythe Jewish community
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
Derrida has recently published a pamp
The Culture Of Critique
provided we all admit that we do not see, that in the crucial matters we are all
stone blind and without privileged access, adrift in the same boat without a
lighthouse to show the other shore (Ca
puto 1997, 313-314). Such a world is safe
for Judaism, the prototypical other, and provides no warrant for the
universalizing tendencies of Western ci
vilization (Caputo 1997, 335)what one
might term deconstruction as de-Helleni
zation or de-Westernization. Minority
The Frankfurt School and Pathologization
a universalist ideology where marks of
Do you remember, he asked me, what Lueger, the anti-
Semitic mayor of Vienna, once said to the municipality of
Vienna when a subsidy for the
natural sciences was asked for?
Science? That is what one Jew cribs from another. That is
what I say about
, history of ideas. (Isaiah Berlin,
reflecting on a conversation with
Lewis Namier; in Efron 1994,
The material in the previous four ch
apters indicates that individuals who
strongly identified as Jews have been th
e main motivating force behind several
highly influential intellectual movement
s that have simultaneously subjected
gentile culture to radical criticism and
allowed for the continuity of Jewish
The Jewish Criticism of Gentile Culture
immigration policy in Chapter 7. Each
of these utopias is pr
ofoundly problematic
from an evolutionary perspective, a theme
The Culture Of Critique
political movements cannot be assessed with any degree of certainty, the material
presented here suggests that Jewish involvement was a critical factor in the
triumph of the intellectual left in late
The Jewish Criticism of Gentile Culture
Indeed, the fundamental truth of this ax
iom has been central to the success of
Judaism throughout its history (
, Ch. 5).
Indeed, Jewish associational patterns in
science go well beyond the cohesive
intellectual movements discussed here. Recently Greenwald and Schuh (1994)
The Culture Of Critique
only consistent theme in
Peretzs career is a de
votion to Jewish causes,
particularly Israel. He reflects a major theme of Chapter 3 in that he abandoned
the New Left when some in the moveme
nt condemned Israel
as racist and
imperialist. During the 1967 Arab-Israeli
war, he told Henry Kissinger that his
dovishness stopped at the delicatessen door (p. 185), and many among his staff
feared that all issues would be decide
d on the basis of what was good for the
Jews (p. 186). Indeed, one editor was in
structed to obtain material from the
Israeli embassy for use in
editorials. It is not enough to say that
owner is merely obsessed with Israel; he says so himself. But more importantly,
The Jewish Criticism of Gentile Culture
wrote of his much greater allegiance to Freud compared to Marx [Jumonville
1991, 126].) There was also a great deal
of influence and cross-fertilization
The Culture Of Critique
made us, as readers, feel implicated and called upon to respond.
Greenberg grew up in the Yiddish-speaking radical sub-culture of New York
(Everyone his family knew was a socialist. As a small boy he thought
[Rubenfeld 1997, 60].) Like the
other New York Intellectuals,
Greenberg had a strong Jewish identity that
ultimately influenced his work. I
believe that a quality of Jewishness is pr
esent in every word I write, as it is in
almost every word of every other contemporary American Jewish writer (in
Rubenfeld 1997, 89). As editor of
Contemporary Jewish Record
, Greenberg
published an article that openly referre
d to Henry Adamss anti-Semitism, a
taboo at the time. He was also a major promoter of the work of Franz Kafka
whom he regarded as a quintessentially Jewish voice in literature: The
revolutionary and hypnotic effect of
the works of Franz Kafka upon the
literary avant-garde of the world has b
een without parallel Kafka seems to
initiate a new [age of fiction] single-handed, pointing a way beyond most of the
cardinal assumptions upon which Western fiction has rested until now. Kafkas
writings represent, moreover, perhaps the first time that an essentially and
uniquely Jewish notion of reality, expressed
hitherto nowhere but in religious
forms, has found a secular voice (in Rube
nfeld 1997, 92-93). In a review in
of a militantly Zionist book by Arthur
Koestler denigrating European Jews and
praising the Zionists who were colonizing Palestine, Greenberg (1946, 582)
exhibited a sense of Jewish superiority, no
ting It is possible I want to suggest, to
adopt standards of evaluation other than those of Western Europe. It is possible
that by world-historical standards th
e European Jew represents a higher type
than any yet achieved in history. In 19
The Jewish Criticism of Gentile Culture
465). Rather, the sources of anti-Semitism are to be found in the beliefs and
habits and culture of the non-Jews (p.
468), particularly Christianity. Anti-
Semitism is endemic to every Christian
culture whose religions made Jews the
The Culture Of Critique
No philosophy of Jewish life is required except one
identical with the democratic
way of lifewhich enables Jews
who for any reason at all accept their existence as Jews to lead a
The Jewish Criticism of Gentile Culture
distinguished goy among the Partisanskies. Another non-Jew was writer James
T. Farrell, but his diary records a virtually all-Jewish social milieu in which a
large part of his life was spent in virt
ual non-stop social interaction with other
The Culture Of Critique
one group, and they resulted in a patronizing condescension
The Jewish Criticism of Gentile Culture
Like the other intellectual movements reviewed in this volume,
sense of community and groupness, a sense of common purpose and group
support around the magazine; the basic
question about a prospective writer was
oned as had traditional Jewish ingroup
solidarity arrayed against a morally and
intellectually inferior outside world.
They perceived themselves as rebel in
tellectuals defending a minority position
and upholding the best traditions of radicalism (p. 265).
provided a haven
and support and a sense of social identity; it
served to assure many of its
members that they were not alone in th
The Culture Of Critique
self-reports (Crosby, Bromley & Saxe
1980; Gaertner & Dovidio 1986). These
findings fit well with the importance of self-deception as an aspect of Judaism
Ch. 8): Jewish scientists who per
ceive themselves to be entirely
nonprejudiced unconsciously favor ingroup members.
Several examples of such deep feelings
of Jewish solidarity were given in
(Ch. 1), and these feelings were found to be characteristic of Freud in
Chapter 4. They are exemplified by the following comments of Clinton
The Jewish Criticism of Gentile Culture
organizations developed and dominated by
Jews, including also radical political
movements and Boasian anthropology, would end up appealing to the same
psychological systems as did traditional
Judaism. At a basic level, Judaism
involves a commitment to an exclusionary
group that actively maintains barriers
The Culture Of Critique
movement attains intellectual predominance,
it is not surprising that gentiles
would be attracted to Jewish intellectuals as members of a socially dominant and
prestigious group and as dispensers of valued resources.
Group cohesiveness can also be seen in
the development of worshipful cults
that have lionized the achievements of group leaders (Boasian anthropology and
psychoanalysis). Similarly, Whitfield (1988, 32) summarizes the ludicrous
overpraise of Zionist scholar Gershon Scholem. Daniel Bell, a Harvard
sociologist and leading member of the New York Intellectuals, labeled
Sabbatai Sevi: The Mystical Messiah
the most important book of the
post-World War II era. Novelist Cynthia
Ozick proclaimed, There are certain
magisterial works of the human mind that alter ordinary comprehension so
The Jewish Criticism of Gentile Culture
The Culture Of Critique
internationalism, the group shared
with cultural pluralism a hostility to
assimilation by the dominant culture (Wal
d 1987, 43)another indication of the
compatibility of leftist universalism an
d Jewish non-assimilation that is a theme
of Chapter 3.
Beginning in the early 1950s there was a group centered around Irving
Howe, including Stanley Plastrik, Emanuel Geltman and Louis Coser who
organized the magazine
as the
coterie moved steadily away from
revolutionary socialism (Bulik 1993, 18).
In addition to leftist social criticism,
Howe wrote extensively about Yiddish
literature and Jewish history; his
World of Our Fathers
records his nostalgic appreciation of the Yiddish-socialist
subculture of his youth.
was greatly influenced by the Frankfort School
in the area of cultural criticism, particular
ly the work of Adorno and Horkheimer,
and it published work by Erich Fro
mm and Herbert Marcuse based on their
syntheses of Freud and Marx. In the New Left era, the radical Foundation for
Policy Studies was centered around a group of Jewish intellectuals (Sachar 1992,
Among leftists, we have seen that Jew
ish communists tended to have Jewish
mentors and idealized other Jews, especially Trotsky, who were leaders or
martyrs to the cause (see Ch. 3). Even
the Jewish neoconservative movement has
sought intellectual inspiration from Le
o Strauss rather than from gentile
conservative intellectuals such as Ed
mund Burke, Russell Kirk, or James
Burnham (Gottfried 1993, 88). For Strauss as a highly committed Jew, liberalism
is only the best of several alternatives th
at are even more unacceptable (i.e., the
extreme left or right). Strauss complains
of the assimilatory tendencies in liberal
The Jewish Criticism of Gentile Culture
the Diaspora ideologues, Freud and Marx, ended in his separation from the two
movements speaking in their names. R
ecall also David Horowitzs (1997, 42)
description of the world of his parents who had joined a shul run by the
CPUSA. Note the ingroup-outgroup mentality, the sense of moral superiority, the
sense of being a minority persecuted by the
authoritarianism and intolerance of dissent:
What my parents had done in joining the Communist Party
was still inspiring, in the midst of pe
ssimism it still spurred them on towards a
kind of salvation through knowledge and
discovery. The promise was neither
The Culture Of Critique
partly because of his control over the In
The Jewish Criticism of Gentile Culture
obeisance to rabbis is one of the most striking characteristics of haredism in the
eyes of the outside world, both Jewish
and Gentile (Landau
1993, 45). Famous
rebbes are revered in an almost godlike manner (
, or cult of
personality), and indeed there was a
The Culture Of Critique
of Judaism is a proneness to developing
highly collectivist social structures with
a strong sense of ingroup-outgroup barriers (see
Another important theme is that psychoanalysis and the
studies showed strong overtones of
indoctrination: Theories were
developed in which behavi
or that did not conform to politically acceptable
standards was conceptualized as an i
ndication of psychopathology. This is
apparent in the tendency for psychoan
alysis to attribute rejection of
psychoanalysis itself to various forms of psychopathology, as well as in its
general perspective that a pathology-in
ducing gentile culture was the source of
all forms of psychiatric diagnosis and that anti-Semitism was the sign of a
disturbed personality. The
studies built on this
tradition with its discovery that the fa
ilure to develop a liberal personality
and to deeply and sincerely accept lib
eral political beliefs was a sign of
Indeed, one might note that a common
theme of all these movements of
cultural criticism is that gentile-dominated
social structures are pathogenic. From
the psychoanalytic perspective, includi
Jewish radicals placed on maintaining ties with the wider Jewish community. The
wider Jewish community provided economic support for psychoanalysis as the
preferred form of psychotherapy among
Jews (Glazer & Moynihan 1963); it also
provided philanthropic support for institutes of psychoanalysis. Jews also
provided the great majority of the financial support of the University of Frankfurt
as a haven for German-Jewish intellectuals
beginning in the Wilhelmine period
(see W. E. Mosse 1989, 318ff), and the Ins
titute for Social Research at the
University of Frankfurt was established by
a Jewish millionaire, Felix Weil, with
a specific intellectual-political mission that
eventually developed into Critical
Theory (Wiggershaus 1994). In the Unite
d States, foundations such as the Stern
Family Fund, the Rabinowitz Fund, and the Rubin Foundation provided money
for radical underground publications during the 1960s (Sachar 1992, 804). Much
earlier, American Jewish capitalists like Jacob Schiff financed Russian radical
movements directed at overthrowing the Czar and may well have had
considerable impact (Goldstein 1990, 26-27; Szajkowski 1967).
The Jewish Criticism of Gentile Culture
Moreover, Jewish influence in the popular media was an important source of
favorable coverage of Jewish intellectual
movements, particularly psychoanalysis
and 1960s political radicalism (Rothm
an & Lichter 1982). Favorable media
depictions of psychoanalysis were common during the 1950s, peaking in the mid-
sixties when psychoanalysis
was at the apex of its influence in the United States
(Hale 1995, 289). Popular images of Freud revealed him as a painstaking
observer, a tenacious worker, a great healer, a truly original explorer, a paragon
of domestic virtue, the discover of pe
rsonal energy, and a genius (p. 289).
Psychiatrists were portrayed in movies as humane and effective. The number of
Hollywood stars, directors, and producers who were in analysis was legion (p.
289). An important aspect of this process
has been the establishment of journals
directed not only at a closed community of academic specialists but also at a
other consumers of the counterculture.
The support of the wider Jewish community can also be seen in the
The Culture Of Critique
subject of discussion. However, the failure to adopt these beliefs on the part of
gentiles was viewed as an admission of personal inadequacy and an
acknowledgment that one was suffering fro
m a condition that would benefit from
psychiatric counseling.
Scientific and intellectual respectability was thus a critical feature of the
movements reviewed here. Nevertheless,
these intellectual movements have been
fundamentally irrationalan irrationality
that is most apparent in the entire
conduct of psychoanalysis as an authoritarian, quasi-scientific enterprise and in
the explicit depiction of science as an in
strument of social domination by the
Frankfurt School. It is also apparent in th
e structure of psychoanalysis and radical
political ideology, which are, like tr
aditional Jewish religious ideology,
essentially hermeneutic theories in the sense
that the theory is derived in an
manner and is constructed so that an
The Jewish Criticism of Gentile Culture
Even the Frankfurt School, which deve
loped an ideology in which science,
politics, and morality were systematically conflated, presented
The Authoritarian
as a scientifically based, empirically grounded study of human
behavior because of a perceived need to appeal to an American audience of
The Culture Of Critique
for the continuity of collectivist minority group strategies. Within the intellectual
world, the greatest potential danger for a collectivist minority group strategy is
that science itself as an individualist enterprise conducted in an atomistic
Freud could have been similarly eject
ed from the psychoanalytic movement
without changing entirely the focus of
the movement. In a comment that
indicates the fundamentally individualist nature of scientific communities, Hull
notes that although each individual scientist has his or her own view of the
essential nature of the conceptual syst
em, the adoption of such an essentialist
perspective by the community as a whole
could only prevent the conceptual
growth characteristic of real science.
This individualistic conc
eptualization of science is highly compatible with
recent work in the philosophy of science.
A fundamental issue in the philosophy
of science is to describe the type of di
scourse community that promotes scientific
The Jewish Criticism of Gentile Culture
thinking in any area of endeavor. As phr
ased by Donald Campbell (1993, 97), the
question is which social systems of be
Barker and Gholson (1984) show that
The Culture Of Critique
sciences has not occurred, and I rather
doubt that consensual progress will occur
until research ceases to be conducted from
an ingroup-outgroup perspective.
In the movements reviewed here, inte
llectual endeavor had strong overtones
of social group solidarity, as individual participants could always count on others
to hold similar views and to present a united front against any unwelcome data.
One consequence of the group conflict in the Iberian peninsula during the period
of the Inquisition was that science b
ecame impossible (Castro 1971, 576;
Haliczer 1989). The ideology supporting th
e Inquisition, including theologically
derived views of the nature of physical reality, became an aspect of a collectivist
worldview in which any deviation from th
e established ideology was viewed as
treason to the group. Science requires the possibility and intellectual
respectability of committing treason; or rather, it requires the impossibility of
treason because there is an implicit understanding that ones views of reality are
not a function of group allegiance but
of ones independent (individualistic)
evaluation of the available evidence.
In a real science the fundamental stru
cture of reality cannot be decided
and protected from empirical disconfirmation, as is the case whenever
groups develop a political stake in a particul
The Jewish Criticism of Gentile Culture
perceived as nothing more) than consensu
s within a sufficiently large portion of
The Culture Of Critique
such as
), it was necessary to defend the viability
of philosophical skepticism. The sci
entific veneer and philosophical
respectability sought by these movements then functioned to portray these
intellectual movements as the result of individualistic free choice based on
rational appraisals of the evidence. This
in turn necessitated that great efforts
were required to mask Jewish involvement and domination of the movements, as
well as the extent to which the moveme
nts sought to attain specific Jewish
Such efforts at deemphasizing Jewish i
nvolvement have been most apparent
in radical political movements and psychoanalysis, but they are also apparent in
Boasian anthropology. Although the Jewish political agenda of the Frankfurt
School was far less camouflaged, even here an important aspect of the program
was the development of a body of theory applicable to any universalist
The Jewish Criticism of Gentile Culture
gifted minority (Rothman & Lichter 1982, 118), and I have noted the role of the
The Culture Of Critique
appears to have been common among many
Jewish political radicals. Recall the
Jewish radicals who believed in their ow
n invisibility as Jews while nevertheless
The Jewish Criticism of Gentile Culture
The question is: What evolved features of the human mind make people
likely to adopt memes that are inimical to
their own interests? On the basis of the
material reviewed here, one critical component appears to be that these memes
are promulgated from highly prestigious s
ources, suggesting that one feature of
our evolved psychology is a greater proneness to adopt cultural messages
deriving from people and individuals with high social status. Social learning
theory has long been aware of the tendency
for models to be more effective if
they have prestige and high status, a
nd this tendency fits well with an
evolutionary perspective in which seeking
high social status is a universal feature
of the human mind (MacDonald 1988a).
Like other modeling influences,
therefore, maladaptive memes are b
est promulgated by individuals and
institutions with high social status, and we
have seen that a consistent thread of
the Jewish intellectual movements reviewed
here has been that they have been
promulgated by individuals representing
The Culture Of Critique
economic success), and the role of Jews in
the political and cultural process in
Today,the immigrantsabove all the Jewish
immigrantsseem more American than [the WASP] does. They
are the faces and voices and inflections of thought that seem
most familiar to us, literally sec
ond nature. [The WASP] is the
odd ball, the stranger, the fossil. We glance at him, a bit startled
and say to ourselves, Where
did he go? We remember him:
pale, poised, neatly dressed, briskly
sure of himself. And we see
him as an outsider, an outlander, a reasonably noble breed in the
act of vanishing He has stoppe
d being representative, and we
didnt notice it until this minute. Not so emphatically, anyway.
What has happened since World War II is that the American
sensibility has become part Jewish, perhaps as much Jewish as it
is anything else The literate American mind has come in some
measure to think Jewishly. It has been taught to, and it was ready
to. After the entertainers and
novelists came the Jewish critics,
politicians, theologians. Critics
and politicians and theologians
are by profession molders; they form ways of seeing. (Walter
Kerr 1968, D1, D3)
Immigration policy is a paradigmatic
example of conflicts of interest
The Culture Of Critique
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
by many as critical to the continuity of Judaism (e.g., Abrams 1997; Dershowitz
1997; see
, Ch. 8). Reform Judaism, the least overt form of contemporay
Judaism, is becoming steadily more traditional, including a greater emphasis on
religious rituals and a deep concern to pr
event intermarriage. A recent conference
of Reform rabbis emphasized that the upsurge in traditionalism is partly the result
The Culture Of Critique
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
long draught of vilification of
the Jew, and, when sufficiently
inspired by the popular and scientific potions, committed the
act. (pp. 218-220)
A congruent opinion is expressed by prominent Jewish social scientist and
The Culture Of Critique
the kind of political expediency that they regard as a direct attack on American
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
cohesion, well-funded programs, sophisti
cated lobbying techniques, well-chosen
non-Jewish allies, and good timing (Gol
dstein 1990, 333). Goldberg (1996, 38-
39) notes that presently there are approximately 300 national Jewish
The Culture Of Critique
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
the cause (p. 160). (The editors of
, the principal journal of the
New York Intellectuals, published work by Dewey and
called him Americas
leading philosopher [
13:608, 1946]; Deweys student, New York Intellectual
Sidney Hook [1987, 82], was also unsparing in his praise of Dewey, terming him
the intellectual leader of the liberal
community in the United States and a sort
of intellectual tribune of progressive causes.) Dewey, as the leading American
secularist, was allied with a group of Jewi
sh intellectuals opposed to specifically
Christian formulations of American
democracy (Hollinger 1996, 158). Dewey
had close links with the New York Intellectuals, many of whom were Trotskyists,
and he headed the Dewey Commission that exonerated Trotsky of charges
brought in the Moscow trials of 1936. Dewey was highly influential with the
public at large. Henry Commager described Dewey as the guide, the mentor,
and the conscience of the American people; it is scarcely an exaggeration to say
that for a generation no issue was clarified until Dewey had spoken (in Sandel
1996, 36). Dewey was the foremost advo
cate of progressive education and
helped establish the New School for Soci
al Research and the American Civil
Liberties Union, both essentially Jewish
organizations (Goldberg 1996, 46, 131).
As with several other gentiles discussed
in this volume, Dewey, whose lack of
The Culture Of Critique
endeavors through the rigors of the Depression and revived anti-
semitism, through the shock of
Nazism and the Holocaust, until
the emergence of Zionism in the post-World War II years swept
through American Jewry with a climactic redemptionist fervor of
its own. (Sachar 1992, 427)
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
Hemisphere nations because these count
ries in some cases furnish very
undesirable immigrants. The Mexicans who come into the United States are
overwhelmingly of Indian blood, and th
e recent intelligence tests have shown
their very low intellectual status. We have already got too many of them in our
Southwestern States, and a check should be put on their increase.
Grant was
also concerned about the unassimilability of recent immigrants. He included with
The Culture Of Critique
public: A member of the Immigration Restri
ction League stated in 1924 that the
country is somewhat fed up on high brow
Nordic superiority stuff (in Samelson
1979, 136).
Nevertheless, it is probable that the de
cline in evolutionary and biological
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
immigration restriction (
Cong. Rec.
, April 8, 1924, 5915-5916), concluded that
the environmental differences consequent to immigration caused differences in
head shape. (At the time,
The Culture Of Critique
debate on the immigration bill that both the dictates of our consciences as well
as the precepts of sociologists tell us that immigration, as it exists in the national
origins quota system, is wrong and without any basis in reason or fact for we
the Bible. There you have the whole issue boiled down. In other
words, it is a deliberate
attempt to unite Church
and State And we go even further than that and assert that it is
an attempt to unite
Protestant Church.
66 [July 10, 1925]; italics in text)
The Jewish effort in this case was we
ll funded and was the focus of well-
organized, highly dedicated Jewish civil service organizations, including the
AJCommittee, the AJCongress, and the ADL
. It involved keen legal expertise
both in the actual litigation but also in influencing legal opinion via articles in
law journals and other forums of intelle
ctual debate, including the popular media.
It also involved a highly charismatic and
effective leadership, particularly Leo
No other lawyer exercised
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
for a successful constitutional reform movement That Pfeffer,
The Culture Of Critique
Wealthy Jews were important contributor
s to the National Urban League as
well: Edwin Seligmans chairmanship, a
nd the presence on the board of Felix
Adler, Lillian Wald, Abraham Lefkowitz
, and, shortly thereafter, Julius
Rosenwald, principal Sears, Roebuck Company stockholder, forecast significant
Jewish contributions to the League (Levering-Lewis 1984, p. 85). In addition to
providing funding and organizational talent
(the presidents of the NAACP were
Jews until 1975), Jewish legal talent w
as harnessed on behalf of African
American causes. Louis Marshall, a prominent player in the Jewish efforts on
immigration (see below), was a princi
pal NAACP attorney during the 1920s.
African Americans played little role in
these efforts: For example, until 1933
there were no African American lawyers in the NAACP legal department
(Friedman 1995, 106). Indeed, a theme of revisionist historians reviewed by
Friedman is that Jews organized African Americans for their own interests rather
than in the best interests of African Am
ericans. In the post-World War II period
the entire gamut of Jewish civil service organizations were involved in black
issues, including the AJCommittee, the AJCongress, and the ADL: With
professionally trained personnel, fully
equipped offices, and public relations
know-how, they had the resources to make a difference (Friedman 1995, 135).
Jews contributed from two thirds to three quarters of the money for civil rights
groups during the 1960s (Kaufman 1997,
110). Jewish groups, particularly the
AJCongress, played a leading role in drafting civil rights legislation and pursuing
legal challenges related to civil right
s issues mainly benefiting blacks (Svonkin
1997, 79-112). Jewish support, legal and
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
and they have tended to support pro-bl
ack integration (i.e., assimilationist,
individualist) policies for blacks in Am
erica, presumably because such policies
dilute Caucasian power and lessen the po
ssibility of a cohesive, nationalist anti-
Semitic Caucasian majority. At the same time, Jewish organizations have
opposed a black nationalist position while pursuing an anti-assimilationist,
nationalist group strategy for their own group.
The Culture Of Critique
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
credibility of these exercises. It is ironic, pe
rhaps, that this effort to influence the
public school curriculum was carried
on by the same groups that were
endeavoring to remove overt Chris
tian influences from the public schools.
The ideology of intergroup animosity
developed by the intergroup relations
movement derived from the Studies in Prejudi
ce series described in Chapter 5. It
explicitly viewed manifestations of
The Culture Of Critique
assiduously attended congressional hearings, and the Jewish
effort was of the utmost importance in establishing and financing
such non-sectarian groups as the National Liberal Immigration
League and the Citizens Committee for Displaced Persons.
As recounted by Nathan C. Belth (1979, 173) in his history of the ADL, In
Congress, through all the years when the immigration battles were being fought,
the names of Jewish legislators were in the forefront of the liberal forces: from
Adolph Sabath to Samuel Dickstein and Emanuel Celler in the House and from
Herbert H. Lehman to Jacob Javits in the Se
nate. Each in his time was a leader of
the Anti-Defamation League and of ma
jor organizations concerned with
democratic development. The Jewish
congressmen who are most closely
identified with anti-restrictionist effort
s in Congress have therefore also been
leaders of the group most closely identi
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
constituted an advance guard of the
new peoples who had no feeling for the
traditions of rural America (Higham 1984
, 168-169), a theme also apparent in
the discussion of the New York Intellectuals
in Chapter 6 and in the discussion of
Jewish involvement in political radicalism in Chapter 3.
Although often concerned that Jewish i
mmigration would fan the flames of
anti-Semitism in America, Jewish leaders fought a long and largely successful
delaying action against restrictions on
immigration during the period from 1891
to 1924, particularly as they affected the ability of Jews to immigrate. These
efforts continued despite the fact that
The Culture Of Critique
(Cohen 1972, 41-42; Goldstein 1990). Opposing politicians, such as Henry Cabot
Lodge, and organizations like the Immigr
ation Restriction League were kept
under close scrutiny and pressured by lobbyi
sts. Lobbyists in Washington also
kept a daily scorecard of voting tendencies as immigration bills wended their way
through Congress and engaged in inten
se and successful efforts to convince
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
and for one race. Hebrew money
is behind the National Liberal
Immigration League and its num
erous publications. From the
paper before the commercial body or
the scientific association to
the heavy treatise produced with the aid of the Baron de Hirsch
Fund, the literature that proves the blessings of immigration to
all classes in America emanates from subtle Hebrew brains.
(Ross 1914, 144-145)
Ross (1914, 150) also reported that immigration officials had become very
sore over the incessant fire of false accusati
ons to which they are subjected by the
The Culture Of Critique
take credit for the events, and it organized groups of non-Jews to influence
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
Ku Klux Klan; he characterized it as inspir
ed by the racialist theories of Houston
Stewart Chamberlain. At a time when the population of the United States was
over 100 million, Marshall stated, [W]e have
room in this country for ten times
the population we have; he advocated admission of all of the peoples of the
world without quota limit, excluding only those who were mentally, morally
and physically unfit, who are enemies of organized government, and who are apt
to become public charges.
Similarly, Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, representing the
victory for the Northwestern European
peoples of the United States, yet there
was no attempt to reverse
The Culture Of Critique
immediate aftermath of the 1924 legislation, wrote that it is chiefly against the
Jew that anti-immigration laws are passed here in America as in England and
Germany, and such perceptions continue
among historians of the period (e.g.,
Hertzberg 1989, 239). This perception wa
s not restricted to Jews. In remarks
before the Senate, the anti-restrictionist Senator Reed of Missouri noted, Attacks
have likewise been made upon the Jew
ish people who have crowded to our
shores. The spirit of intolerance has
been especially active as to them (
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
Johnson, chairman of the Committee on
Migration and Naturalization, devoted
over four times as much space to the situ
ation in Poland as it did to any other
country. The report emphasized the activities of the Polish Jewish newspaper
in promoting emigration to the United States of Polish Jews, as well as
the activities of the Hebrew Shelteri
The Culture Of Critique
(New York) February 8, 1924, of a farewell dinner to Mr. Israel
Zangwill which says:
Mr. Zangwill spoke chiefly on the immigration question,
declaring that if Jews persisted in a strenuous opposition to the
restricted immigration there would be no restriction. If you
create enough fuss against this Nordic nonsense, he said, you
will defeat this legislation. You must make a fight against this
bill; tell them they are destro
ying American ideals. Most
fortifications are of cardboard, and if you press against them,
The Committee does not feel that the restriction aimed to be
accomplished in this bill is directed at the Jews, for they can
come within the quotas from any country in which they were
born. The Committee has not dwelt on the desirability of a
Nordic or any other particular type of immigrant, but has held
steadfastly to the purpose of securing a heavy restriction, with
the quota so divided that the countries from which the most came
in the two decades ahead of the World War might be slowed
down in order that the United States might restore its population
balance. The continued charge that the Committee has built up a
Nordic race and devoted its hearing to that end is part of a
deliberately manufactured assault for as a matter of fact the
committee has done nothing of the kind. (
House Rep. No. 350
1924, 16)
Indeed, one is struck in reading the 1924 congressional debates by the rarity
with which the issue of Nordic racial superi
ority is raised by those in favor of the
legislation, whereas virtually all the an
ti-restrictionists raised this issue.
After a
particularly colorful comment in oppositi
on to the theory of Nordic racial
superiority, restrictionist leader Albe
rt Johnson remarked, I would like very
much to say on behalf of the committee that through the strenuous times of the
hearings this committee undertook not to discuss the Nordic proposition or racial
Cong. Rec.
, April 8, 1924, 5911). Earlier, during the hearings on the
bill, Johnson remarked in response to
the comments of Rabbi Stephen S. Wise
representing the AJCongress, I dislike to be placed continually in the attitude of
assuming that there is a race prejudice, when the one thing I have tried to do for
11 years is to free myself from race prejudice, if I had it at all.
restrictionists explicitly denounced the theory of Nordic superiority, including
Senators Bruce (p. 5955) and Jones (p
. 6614) and Representatives Bacon (p.
5902), Byrnes (p. 5653), Johnson (p. 5648), McLoed (pp. 5675-5676),
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
McReynolds (p. 5855), Michener (p. 59
09), Miller (p. 5883), Newton (p. 6240),
Rosenbloom (p. 5851), Vaile (p. 5922), Vincent (p. 6266), White, (p. 5898), and
Wilson (p. 5671; all references to
Cong. Rec
Indeed, it is noteworthy that there are
indications in the congressional debate
that representatives from the far West we
The Culture Of Critique
(Higham 1984, 104ff, 127). During this period Edward A. Ross (1914, 164)
described gentile resentmen
t for being obliged to engage in a humiliating and
undignified scramble in order to keep his
trade or his clients against the Jewish
invadersuggesting a rather broad-
based concern with Jewish economic
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
There is, in fact, evidence that Jews, like East Asians, have higher IQs than
Caucasians (Lynn 1987; Rushton 1995;
, Ch. 7). Indeed, Terman had
found that Chinese were equal in IQ to Caucasiansfurther indication that, as
Carl Degler (1991, 52) notes, their IQ
scores could not have been an excuse for
the discrimination represented by the 1924
legislation. As indicated above, there
is considerable evidence from the congr
essional debates that the exclusion of
The Culture Of Critique
sense which the Nordic rarely atta
ins. Nordics need not be vain
about their own qualifications. It well behooves them to be
humble. What we do claim is that the northern European, and
particularly Anglo-Saxons made this country. Oh, yes; the others
helped. But that is the full st
atement of the case. They came to
this country because it was alr
eady made as an Anglo-Saxon
commonwealth. They added to it, they often enriched it, but they
did not make it, and they have not yet greatly changed it. We are
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
the loss of racial identity means
a change of ideals. That fact
should make it easy for them and the majority of the most active
opponents of this measure in th
e spoken debate to recognize and
sympathize with our viewpoint, which is not so extreme as that
of their own race, but only demands that the admixture of other
peoples shall be only of such kind and proportions and in such
quantities as will not alter racial characteristics more rapidly than
there can be assimilation as to ideas of government as well as of
blood. (
Cong. Rec.
, April 12, 1924, 6265-6266)
The view that Jews had a strong tendenc
The Culture Of Critique
separate culture (see
Ch. 2); they were also thought to be
disproportionately involved in radical political movements (see Ch. 3).
The perception of radicalism among Je
wish immigrants was common in
Jewish as well as gentile publications.
The American Hebrew
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
Samuel Dickstein, and Dicksteins assumption of the chairmanship of the House
Immigration Committee in 1931 marked the end of the ability of restrictionists to
enact further reductions in quotas (Divin
e 1957, 79-88). Jewish groups were the
primary opponents of restriction and th
e primary supporters of liberalized
regulations during the 1930s; their opponents emphasized the economic
consequences of immigration during
a period of high unemployment (Divine
The Culture Of Critique
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
has had to be disguised in an elabor
ate quota scheme in which eligibility was
The Culture Of Critique
main problem and implied that this exodus
was a planned migration organized by
Jewish agencies in the United States and in Europe (
Senate Rep. No. 950
on the bill (Divine 1957, 127),
Representative Emanuel Celler calling it worse
than no bill at all. All it does is
exclude Jews (in Neuringer 1971, 298; see also Divine 1957, 127). In
reluctantly signing the bill, President Truman noted that the 1945 cutoff date
discriminates in callous fashion agains
t displaced persons of the Jewish faith
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
to over $1,000,000 and succeeded in passi
ng a bill, introduced by Representative
Celler, with a 1949 cutoff date that did not
discriminate against Jews but largely
The Culture Of Critique
its effects on Jewish immigration to advocate immigration of all the racial-ethnic
groups of the world.
countries of northern and western Europe over those of southern
and eastern Europe, but the subcommittee holds that the peoples
who had made the greatest contribution to the development of
this country were fully justified
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
because of the similarity of thei
r cultural background to those of
the principal components of our population. (
Sen. Rep. No. 1515
It is important to note that Jewish
spokespersons differed from other liberal
groups in their motives for opposing restrictions on immigration during this
period. In the following I emphasize the congressional testimony of Judge Simon
H. Rifkind, who represented a very broad range of Jewish agencies in the
hearings on the McCarran-Walter bill in 1951.
The Culture Of Critique
The opposition to needed skills as the b
asis of immigration was consistent
with the prolonged Jewish attempt to delay the passage of a literacy test as a
diversity of our peoples (Goldstein 1952b, 5).
As indicated above, there is some evidence that the 1924 legislation and the
restrictionism of the 1930s was motivated
partly by anti-Semitic attitudes. Anti-
Semitism and its linkage with anti-comm
unism were also apparent in the
immigration arguments during the 1950s preceding and following the passage of
the McCarran-Walter Act. Restrictionists often pointed to evidence that over 90
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
percent of American Communists had backgrounds linking them to Eastern
Europe. A major thrust of restrictionist efforts was to prevent immigration from
this area and to ease deportation procedures to prevent Communist subversion.
Eastern Europe was also the origin of most Jewish immigration, and Jews were
disproportionately represented among Ameri
can Communists, with the result that
these issues became linked, and the situation lent itself to broad anti-Semitic
conspiracy theories about the role of Jew
s in U.S. politics (e.g., Beaty 1951). In
Congress, Representative John Rankin, a not
orious anti-Semite, without making
explicit reference to Jews, stated:
They whine about discrimination. Do you know who is
being discriminated against? The white Christian people of
America, the ones who created this nation I am talking about
the white Christian people of the North as well as the South
Communism is racial. A racial minority seized control in
Russia and in all her satellite countries, such as Poland,
Czechoslovakia, and many other countries I could name.
They have been run out of practically every country in
Europe in the years gone by, and if they keep stirring race
trouble in this country and trying to force their communistic
program on the Christian people of America, there is no telling
what will happen to them here. (
Cong. Rec
April 23, 1952,
During this period mainstream Jewish
organizations were deeply concerned
to eradicate the stereotype of communist-Jew and to develop an image of Jews as
liberal anti-communists (Svonkin 1997). The fight against the stereotype of
Communist-Jew became a virtual obsession with Jewish leaders and opinion
makers throughout America (Liebman 197
9, 515). (As an indication of the
extent of this stereotype, when the ge
ntile anthropologist Eleanor Leacock was
being screened for security clearance by
the FBI in 1944, in an effort to
The Culture Of Critique
period. It was therefore at best a re
luctant and unenthusiastic participant
(Svonkin 1997, 132) in the Jewish effort to
develop a strong public image of anti-
communism during this perioda position that reflected the sympathies of many
among its predominantly second- and th
ird-generation Eastern European
immigrant membership.
This radical Jewish subculture and its
ties to communism were much in
evidence during riots in Peekskill, New
York in 1949. Peekskill was a summer
destination for approximately 30,000
predominantly Jewish professionals
associated with socialist, anarchist,
and communist colonies originally
established in the 1930s. The immediate cause of rioting was a concert given by
avowed communist Paul Robeson and sponsored by the Civil Rights Congress, a
pro-communist group branded as subversive by the U.S. attorney general. Rioters
made anti-Semitic statements at a time
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
ironical that these men who deserted Judaism, which is inimical to Communism,
are now being used as an excuse for th
e Communist anti-Semitic campaign (in
Svonkin 1997, 282n114).
Jewish organizations cooperated fu
lly with the House Un-American
Activities Committee, and defenders of
the Rosenbergs and other communists
were hounded out of mainstream Jewish or
ganizations where they had previously
been welcome. Particularly salient
was the 50,000-member Jewish Peoples
Fraternal Order (JPFO), a subsidiary of the International Workers Order (IWO),
which was listed as a subversive organiza
tion by the U.S. attorney general. The
AJCommittee prevailed on local Jewish orga
nizations to expel the JPFO, a move
staunchly resisted by the JPFO, and the
AJCongress dissolved th
e affiliate status
of the JPFO as well as another communist-dominated organization, the American
Jewish Labor Council. Similarly, mainstre
am Jewish organizations dissociated
themselves from the Social Service Employees Union, a Jewish labor union for
workers in Jewish organizations. This uni
on had previously been expelled from
the Congress of Industrial Organizations because of its Communist sympathies.
Jewish organizations successfully obtain
ed a prominent role for Jews in the
prosecution of the Rosenbergs, and, af
ter the guilty verdicts, the AJCommittee
and the American Civil Liberties Union
were active in promoting public support
for them (Ginsberg 1993, 121; Navasky 1980, 114ff). The periodical
, published by the AJCommittee, was rigorously edited to ensure
that nothing that appeared within it could
be in any way constr
Communism (Liebman 1979, 516), and it even went out of its way to print
The Culture Of Critique
its report was wholeheartedly
endorsed by the AJCongress (see
, Jan. 12, 1952, 3). The proceedings were printed as the report
Whom We
with the cooperation of Representative Emanuel Celler.
In Congress, Senator McCarran accused the PCIN of containing communist
sympathizers, and the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC)
released a report stating that some two dozen Communists and many times that
number with records of repeated affilia
tion with known Communist enterprises
testified before the Commission or submitted statements for inclusion in the
record of the hearings Nowhere in either
the record of the hearings or in the
report is there a single reference to the true background of these persons (
Rep. No. 1182
, 85th Cong., 1st Session, 47). The
report referred particularly to
communists associated with the Ameri
can Committee for the Protection of
Foreign Born (ACPFB), headed by Abner Green. Green, who was Jewish,
figured very prominently in these hearings, and Jews were generally
disproportionately represented among those singled out as officers and sponsors
of the ACPFB (pp. 13-21). HUAC provide
d evidence indicating that the ACPFB
had close ties with the CPUSA and noted that 24 of the individuals associated
with the ACPFB had signed statements incor
porated into the printed record of the
The AJCommittee was also heavily invol
ved in the deliberations of the
PCIN, including providing testimony and distributing data and other material to
individuals and organizations testifyi
ng before the PCIN (Cohen 1972, 371). All
its recommendations were incorporated into the final report (Cohen 1972, 371),
including a deemphasis on economic skills
as criteria for immigration, scrapping
the national origins legislation, and opening immigration to all the peoples of the
world on a first come, first served basis, the only exception being that the
report recommended a lower total number of immigrants than recommended by
the AJCommittee and other Jewish groups
. The AJCommittee thus went beyond
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
of the desirability of increasing the total number of immigrants (PCIN 1953, 42).
The Culture Of Critique
noted the special role that Jewish organiza
tions had played in attempting to foster
family reunion rather than special skills
as the basis of U.S. immigration policy.
After Representative Jacob Javits stated
that opposition to the law was not
confined to the one group the gentleman mentioned (
Cong. Rec.
, March 13,
1952, 2284), Walter responded as follows:
I might call your attention to the fact that Mr. Harry N.
Rosenfield, Commissioner of the Displaced Persons Commission
[and also the Executive Director of the PCIN; see above] and
incidentally a brother-in-law of a lawyer who is stirring up all
this agitation, in a speech recently said:
The proposed legislation is Americas Nuremberg trial.
It is racious and archaic, based on a theory that people
with different styles of noses should be treated differently.
Representative Walter then noted that
the only two organizations hostile to
the entire bill were the AJCongress and the Association of Immigration and
Nationality Lawyers, the latter represented
by an attorney who is also advising
and counseling the American Jewish Congress. (Goldstein [1952b] himself
noted that at the time of the Joint Hou
se-Senate hearings on the McCarran bill,
the American Jewish Congress was the only civic group which dared flatly to
oppose the national origins quota formula.)
Representative Emanuel Celler replie
d that Walter should not have
overemphasized as he did the people of one
particular faith who are opposing the
bill (p. 2285). Representative Walter agr
eed with Cellers comments, noting that
there are other very fine Jewish groups
who endorse the bill. Nevertheless, the
principle Jewish organizations, including
the AJCongress, the AJCommittee, the
ADL, the National Council of Jewish Wo
men, and the Hebrew Immigrant Aid
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
Albeit by indirection, Representative Walter was clearly calling attention to
the special Jewish role in
the immigration conflict of 1952. The special role of
the AJCongress in opposing the McCarran-Walter Act was a source of pride
within the group: On the verge of victory in 1965, the
Congress bi-Weekly
editorialized that it was a cause of prid
e that AJCongress president Rabbi Israel
Goldstein had been singled out by Repr
esentative Walter for attack on the floor
of the House of Representatives as the prime organizer of the campaign against
the measures he co-sponsored (Feb. 1, 1965, 3).
The perception that Jewish concerns
were an important feature of the
opposition to the McCarran-Walter Act can also be seen in the following
The Culture Of Critique
feature of our immigration policy, has excited the most widespread and most
intense aversion among Americans. In
advancing this proposal for new
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
In his article Handlin repeatedly uses the term weas in if we cannot
beat McCarran and his cohorts with th
eir own weapons, we can do much to
destroy the efficacy of those weapons (p. 4)suggesting Handlins belief in a
unified Jewish interest in liberal immigration policy and presaging a prolonged
chipping away of the 1952 legislation in the ensuing years. Handlins anti-
restrictionist strategy included altering th
e views of social scientists to the effect
that it was possible and necessary to distinguish among the races of
immigrants that clamored for admission
to the United States (p. 4). Handlins
proposal to recruit social scientists in the immigration battles is congruent with
the political agenda of the Boasian sch
ool of anthropology discussed above and
in Chapter 2. As Higham (1984) notes,
the ascendancy of such views was as an
important component of the ultimate victory over restrictionism.
Handlin presented the follow
ing highly tendentious re
ndering of the logic of
The Culture Of Critique
school combined with the Boasian theory that there are
no biological differences between the races th
at influence behavior. There is also
a strong strand of the belief that humans can be perfected by changing defective
human institutions. Handlin advocates immigr
ation from all areas of the world as
a moral imperative. In his discussion of Israel in Chapter XII, however, there is
no mention that Israel ought to be simila
rly inclined to view open immigration
from throughout the world as a moral imperative or that Jews should not be
concerned with maintaining political c
ontrol of Israel. Instead the discussion
focuses on the moral compatibility of dua
l loyalties for American Jews to both
the United States and Israel. Handlins moral blindness regarding Jewish issues
can also be seen in Albert Lindemanns
(1997, xx) comment th
at Handlins book
Three Hundred Years of Jewish Life in America
failed to mention Jewish slave
traders and slave owners even while
mentioning by name the great Jewish
merchants who made fortunes in the slave trade.
Shortly after Handlins article, Willia
or improving foreign relations. In making
his case he cited a group of predominantly
Jewish social scientists whose works,
beginning with Horace Kallens plea for
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
is hardly in the spirit of Amer
ican ideals to disregard a mans
character and promise and to look
only at his education and the
vocational opportunities he had the good fortune to enjoy.
(Konvitz 1953, 26)
Other prominent social scientists who represented the anti-restrictionist
perspective in their writings were
Richard Hofstadter and Max Lerner.
Hofstadter, who did much to create the image of the populists of the West and
South as irrational anti-Semites (see Ch
. 5), also condemned the populists for
their desire to maintain a homogeneous
Yankee civilization (Hofstadter 1955,
34). He also linked populism to the immigration issue: In Hofstadters view,
populism was in considerable part colored by the reaction to this immigrant
stream among the native elements of the population (1955, 11).
In his highly acclaimed
America as a Civilization
, Max Lerner provides an
The Culture Of Critique
groups are entirely the result of envir
onmental differences. Thus, One can
understand the fear of the more prolific bi
rth rate of the minorities, but since they
are largely the product of lower living sta
ndards the strategy of keeping the living
standards low by enclosing the minorities in walls of caste would seem self-
defeating (p. 506). And finally, Lerner uses
The Authoritarian Personality
as an
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
The Culture Of Critique
Senator Jacob Javits played a prominent ro
le in the Senate hearings on the
1965 bill, and Emanuel Celle
r, who fought for unrestricted immigration for over
40 years in the House of Representatives,
introduced similar legislation in that
body. Jewish organizations (American
Council for Judaism Philanthropic Fund,
Council of Jewish Federations & Welfare
Funds and Bnai Brith Women) filed
briefs in support of the measure befo
re the Senate subcommittee, as did
organizations such as the ACLU and the Americans for Democratic Action with
a large Jewish membership (Goldberg 1996, 46).
Indeed, it is noteworthy that well before the ultimate triumph of the Jewish
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
The pro-immigrationists in 1965 also fail
ed to prevent a requirement that the
The Culture Of Critique
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
The purpose of this appendix is to show that Jewish organizations have
The Culture Of Critique
British Jewish community, campaigned vi
gorously against the bill (Cesarani
1994, 98). The anti-restrictionist forces w
on when Nathan Laski, president of the
Manchester Old Hebrew Congregation, got Winston Churchill to oppose the bill.
Later Churchill freely admitted that, in the Grand Committee of the House of
Commons, he had wrecked the Bill. Le
d by Churchill, the Liberals, Evans-
Gordon [a restrictionist Conservative MP
] asserted, choked it [the Bill] with
words until the time-limit was reached. A
jubilant Laski wrote to Churchill: I
have had over 20 years experience in
elections in Manchester& without
flattery I tell you candidlythere has not
been a single man able to arouse the
interest that you have already donethus I am sure of your future success
(Alderman 1983, 71). In the following month Churchill won election from West
Manchester, a district with a large Jewish electorate.
Alderman (p. 72) shows that restric
tionist legislation was popular except
among the recent immigrants who had quick
ly become a numerical majority of
the Jewish community, and, as indicated
above, were already able to have a
decisive influence on immigration legislation. However, a more moderate bill
passed in 1905 despite Jewish opposition.
In this case Jewish pressure succeeded
in securing exemptions for victims of
prosecution on religious or political
grounds, but not persecution (p. 74). Again the Board of Deputies failed to
make a major effort in opposition to the
legislation, and Jewish Ministers of
Parliament did not rise in opposition. Howe
ver, for the recent immigrants, many
of whom were on the electoral registers
illegally, this was a major issue, and at
the general election of January 1906 these electorates wreaked a terrible
vengeance upon those politicians who had
supported the passage of the Aliens
Immigration Act (p. 74). Jews overw
helmingly supported candidates who
opposed the legislation, and in at least two districts their votes were decisive,
including the West Manchester district
that it prevented any significant numbe
r of Jews from entering, although it
probably did encourage many Jews to go to the United States rather than
England. It is noteworthy that in 1908 Churchill lost an election in his
Manchester district when there were
defections among his Jewish supporters
displeased about his opposition to repealing the law as a prospective member of
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
Jewish Chronicle
, the principle Jewish newspaper in England, opposed
restriction on Commonwealth immigration in
an editorial in the October 20, 1961
edition (p. 20). The editorial noted that
Jews perceived the 1905 legislation as
directed against them and stated, all restrictions on immigration are in principle
condemned by official Jewish organizations, including the Board of Deputies, on
the basis that Since all British Jews are,
or are descended from, immigrants, it
The Culture Of Critique
overwhelming support of
Jews and other minorities for preserving links with
Canada was blamed by separatist leader Jaques Parizeau for their defeat.
It is remarkable that the sea change
in immigration policy in the Western
world occurred at approximately the same
time (1962-1973), and in all countries
the changes reflected the attit
udes of elites rather than the great mass of citizens.
In the United States, Britain, Canada
, and Australia public opinion polls of
European-derived peoples have consiste
ntly shown overwhelm
ing rejection of
immigration by non-European-derived
Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy
The Culture Of Critique
99ff) in particular emphasizes the idea that
the intellectual, academic, and media
elite trained in the humanities and soci
al sciences (p. 100) developed a sense of
being a member of a morally and intell
ectually superior ingroup battling against
Australian parochial nonintellectuals as
an outgroup. As in the United States,
there is a perception among Jews that a
One conclusion of this volume is that
Jews have played a decisive role in
developing highly influential intellectual and political movements that serve their
The Culture Of Critique
differences in commitment and organization. Salter (1998b) provides a
Conclusion: Whither Judaism and the West?
of the economy (Mosse 1987, 1989) and also had a dominating influence on the
media and the production of culture
(Deak 1968, 28; Laqueur 1974, 73).
Substitution of these resource and mob
ilization values into the Blalock
equation yields an estimate that Jewish
The Culture Of Critique
Jewish intellectuals who rejected the assim
ilationist effects of Reform Judaism in
Conclusion: Whither Judaism and the West?
differences in terms of economic exploita
eal of mutual suspicion. In the real
world, however, even this rather grim ideal
is highly unlikely. In the real world,
The Culture Of Critique
advantage in the possession of wealth, since at present Jews are vastly
overrepresented among the wealthy and the su
ccessful in the United States. This
Conclusion: Whither Judaism and the West?
that such differences will result in
animosity from the losing groups. After
emancipation there was a powerful tende
ncy for upward mobility among Jews in
The Culture Of Critique
Conclusion: Whither Judaism and the West?
including German National Socialism and
Iberian Catholicism during the period
of the Inquisition, have been char
acterized by intense anti-Semitism.
The Culture Of Critique
Conclusion: Whither Judaism and the West?
Indeed, there may well be a general tr
end since the Enlightenment in which
Jewish intellectuals have been at the vanguard of secular political movements,
such as the movement for cultural pluralism,
intended to serve Jewish interests as
well as appeal to segments of the gentile
population. Also apparent is a trend
such that eventually these movements
fractionate, the result of anti-Semitism
within the very segment of the gentile p
opulation to which the ideology attempts
to appeal, and Jews abandon these movement
s and seek to pursue their interests
by other means.
Thus it has been noted here that Jews
have played a prominent role in the
political left in this century. We have
also seen that as a result of anti-Semitism
among gentiles on the left and on the part of Communist governments, eventually
Jews either abandoned the left or they de
veloped their own brand of leftism in
which leftist universalism was compatible
with the primacy of Jewish identity
Gore Vidal (1986) is a prominent example of a gentile leftist
intellectual who has been highly critical of the role of neoconservative Jews in
facilitating the U.S. military buildup of
the 1980s and allying themselves with
The Culture Of Critique
sectarian interests, particularly with regard
to Israel, church-state separation, and
affirmative action.
Moreover, the neoconservative commitment to many
aspects of the conservative social agenda is
half-hearted at best (Gottfried 1993).
Conclusion: Whither Judaism and the West?
the demographic and cultural dominance of
the peoples of European origin in
lands where they have been dominant.
The Culture Of Critique
Conclusion: Whither Judaism and the West?
Judaism, obtained its strength not only
from its intellectual and entrepreneurial
elite but also from the unshakable alle
giance of responsible, hard-working,
lower-status Jews of lesser talent whom they patronized. And it must be stressed
here that historically, the popular movements that have attempted to restore this
prototypical Western state of hierarch
ic harmony, in opposition to the
exploitation of individualistic elites and
the divisiveness of intergroup conflict,
have often had intensely anti-Semitic overtones.
Moreover, to a considerable extent the
The Culture Of Critique
of Western history. It has often been remarked that in the history of China
nothing ever really changed. Dynasties characterized by intensive polygyny and
moderate to extreme political despotis
m came and went, but there were no
fundamental social changes over a very long period of historical time. The data
among this group, gentile members of the New Class must be seen as pursuing a
narrowly individualistic agenda.
The individualism of elites has not been
the only threat to Western hierarchic
harmony, however. As recounted in
, this ideal has been shattered in critical
historical eras by intense group conflict
Conclusion: Whither Judaism and the West?
disproportion of African Americans in
the American underclass that makes any
political solution to this threat to hierarchic harmony problematic.
The Culture Of Critique
is no possibility of the development of
a homogeneous national culture that might
exclude Jews.
In addition, there may well be ne
Conclusion: Whither Judaism and the West?
Immigration Act of 1965, which favored immigrants from non-European
countries (see Auster 1990; Brimelow 1995). Many of these immigrants come
The Culture Of Critique
group in the world has an interest in
expanding its demographic and political
that Oscar Handlin (1952, 7) would ex
tend his statement advocating immigration
Synagogue Council of America would characterize Israeli immigration law as a
gratuitous affront to the peoples of many regions of the world (PCIN 1953,
Conclusion: Whither Judaism and the West?
should encourage Israeli Arabs to leave the country, 37 percent had reservations,
and only 23 percent objected to such a po
licy. Almost three quarters of Israeli
Jews did not want to have an Arab as a superior in a job. Moreover, immigration
to Israel is officially restricted to Jews.
It is also noteworthy that whereas Jews have been on the forefront of
movements to separate church and state in the United States and often protested
The Culture Of Critique
this argument to all those who promot
will continue if there are obvious signs that the status and political power of
European-derived groups is decreasing while the power of other groups
increases. The prediction, both on theoreti
cal grounds and on the basis of social
identity research, is that as other groups become increasingly powerful and
Conclusion: Whither Judaism and the West?
unimportant. Eventually these groups will develop a united front and a
The Culture Of Critique
of the Christian religion. As Israel Za
ngwill said in advocating a Jewish strategy
for unrestricted immigration, tell them
they are destroying American ideals
(see p. 267). The effect has been to create
a new American ideal that is entirely at
odds with the historic sources of American identity:
This ideal carries on the cosmopolitanism, tolerance, and
respect for human liberty of the older liberal tradition, and so it
can properly be termed a modern version of the liberal ideal. It is
novel, however, in its rejection of Lockean liberalisms
absolutist natural law elements
in favor of modern philosophic
pragmatism and cultural relativ
ism. And one of its chief
Conclusion: Whither Judaism and the West?
derived peoples of the United States. It is a social form that guarantees the
The Culture Of Critique
forced to restrict some traditional
American freedoms (see, e.g., Bork 1996)
. Cultural supports for high-investment
parenting act as external forces of social control that maximize high-investment
parenting among all segments of the popula
Conclusion: Whither Judaism and the West?
coping with the physical environment th
The Culture Of Critique
to voting for political candidates favoring liberal positions on social issues.
Women more than men also endorse politi
cal stances that equalize rather than
Conclusion: Whither Judaism and the West?
willingness to exploit gentiles (
a consistent theme of Jewish
intellectual activity since the Enlighten
The Culture Of Critique
European-derived peoples are expected to
ultimately exhibit some of the great
flexibility that Jews have shown througho
ut the ages in advocating particular
political forms that best suit their curre
nt interests. The prediction is that
segments of the European-derived peopl
es of the world will eventually realize
that they have been ill-served and are
being ill-served both by the ideology of
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Abraham, K., 109, 111, 133
Abrams, D., 12, 17, 89, 167
Abrams, E., 238, 316
Ackerman, N. W., 185, 190, n.120
Adams, G. R., n.127
Adams, H., 211
Adams-Markstrom, C., n.127
Adler, A., 113, 114, 126, n.98
Adorno, T. W., l, lxix, 142, 15164
, 165, 167, 18688, 19098
202, 214, 220, 222, n.113, n.115, n.117, n.122, n.138, n.144, n.180
African Americans, 3, 85, 96, 168, 243, 25153, 301, 309, 315317, 322, n.179
American Jewish Congress
Alba, R. D., 300, 318
Alderman G., 79, 81, 83, 294, 295, n.79, n.87, n.161, n.171
Altemeyer, B., 165, 166, 173, 175, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, n.124, n.143
Alterman, E., liv, lxi, lxii, 208
Althusser, L., 21, 142
Altruism, 88, 107, 304, 321, 326, 327
United States
American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), 147, 245, 279, 280, 324, n.95
American Jewish Committee, ix, xxxv, xxxvi, xlii, xlix, lvii, 2, 151, 171, 194,
239, 242, 250, 252-54, 254, 256, 257, 259, 260, 272, 27881, 283, 285, 292,
305, n.48
American Jewish Congress, xxxix, xlii, lv, 69, 78, 147, 239, 240, 24446, 249,
250, 25255, 260, 264, 27780, 28284, 292, 305, 324, n.153, n.154, n.165,
n.166, n.167
Anderson, M. M., l
Annenberg, G., xiv
Boasian anthropology
Anti-Defamation League, xiv, xxxiv, xxxvi,
xlviii, lvii, xliiilxv, 72, 78, 194,
239, 250, 251, 25355, 264, 283, 305, n.19, n.40, n.43, n.45, n.46, n.47,
n.121., n.148, n.155
Anti-Semitism, xxxii, xxxviii, lxv, lxvixlv
ii, lxix, 89, 110, 274, n.52, n.69; and
269, n.92; as resulting from Jewish immigration, ix, x, 83, 256; as resulting in
Jewish messianism and fanaticism, 81;
as resulting in Jewish self-deception,
95; by African Americans, 96, 309; by Jews, 77; charges of, as tool in
promoting Jewish interests, xvxviii, lxv
iilxix, lxiii, n.4, n.75, n.121, n.175;
Frankfurt School Theory of, 15692; Holocaust ideology as antidote to, xlviii
li; in Canada, 296, 298; in England, 294
95, n.161; in Germany, 305, n.49; in
Poland, 272; in the U.S., ix, x, 23738, 247, 253, 261, 263, 265, 268, 27071,
273, 27779, 284, n.89; in Western culture, 312; of Charles Lindbergh, xvi
xviii; of Henry Adams, 211; of Karl Marx, 50, n.71; on the left and by leftist
governments, xliv, 62, 66, 7374, 79, 91, 98101, 10304, 234, 280, 311,
n.48; opposed by leftist governments, xxxixxl, 58, 59, 60, 6364, 72, 87, 88,
9798, 10102, 206; Populis
m and, 19596, 288; portrayal in the media, lviii
lix; psychoanalytic theories of, 113, 117, 138, 140146, 150, 16692, n.101,
n.117, n.140; resulting from Jewish intellectual movements, vi; resulting from
Jewish radicalism, xlvxlvi
Arendt, H., l, 213, n.108
Arens, R., 282, 284
Aronson, E., 186
Aschheim, S. E., 82, 83, 161
Auster, L., 292, 318
Australia, 294, 297299, 328
studies, 151192
, 214, 218, 224, 227, 232, 286,
288, 317
Authoritarianism: as characteristic of Jewish intellectual movements, 2628, 88,
122, 126133, 144, 217, n.20, n.56; of anti-Jewish movements, 102, 143, 308;
of traditional Jewish groups, xxxi, 88, 217, 221226, 230231, n.56; as
Bailey, P., 131
Barak, E., lilii
Bardot, B., 293
Barone, M., lxii
Carlebach, J., 152, n.71
Carr, W. S., 261, 262, 271
Carroll, F. M., 301
Carroll, Joseph, 47
Castro, A., 7, 14, 103, 230, n.55
Catholic Church, xvi, xix, xx, 5, 232, 251, 273, 308, 312, n.8; and Communism,
64, 67, 90, 161; and monogamy, lxvi; as collectivist, 161, xxix; depiction in
media, lix, n.34; Freuds attitude toward, 111, 114, 115, 120, 137
Catholic culture, 199, 200
Catholics, 75, 106, 196, 242, 243, 256, 257, 270, 285, n.83, n.97
Caton, H. C., lxxiii, 29, n.59
Celan, P., l, lxix, 198
Celler, E., 248, 255, 26768, 27275, 281, 283, 290, n.159
Cesarani, D., 287
Chamberlain, H. S., 24, 360, n.70
Chamberlain, L., 114, n.74
Chandler, R., n.75
Charen, M., lxi
Chernin, P., xxvii
Chicago Tribune
, xv, 246
Chomsky, N., n.108
Christianity, vii, xiii, xx, xxi, xxxiii, lix, lxiii, 12, 32, 55, 103, 228, 230, 278, 306,
n.52; and anti-Semitism, lx, 85, 117,
211, n.175; and Communism, 58; and
Derrida, 20103; and Frankfurt School, 15760, 168, 172, 182, 190, 193, 197,
207; and psychoanalysis, 10609; 115116, 13334, n.98; as collectivist, 161,
164, n.177; Jewish opposition to, xxi, 5,
78, 14, 95, 147, 210, 242, 245, 249
251, 243, 258, 259, 32324, n. 83, n.90, n.175; media images of, lix, n.34;
Catholic Church
Churchland, P., 109
Church-state relations, Jewis
h involvement in, 187, 242, 249251, 300, 302, 311
Clinton, H., xix
Clinton, W. J., xix, 216
Cockburn, A., lxii
Cohen, E., 209, 213, 220, 223
Cohen, H., 219220
Cohen, M. R., 71
Cohen, N. W., 2, 238, 256, 257, 260, 272, 274, 278, 282, 284, 285, 309, 320,
n.48, n.150
Cohen, P. S., 86, 87
Cohen, S. M., 148
Cohn, W., 70
Collectivism, xxiiixxxviii, 14, 26, 102,
132, 137, 141, 16265,
168, 186, 217,
22324, 228230, 232, 233, 253, 308, 322, 325, 326, 329, n.104, n.114, n.116
, 209, 210, 211, 213, 220, 223, 280, 285, 287, n.4
Communism, 127, 161, 196, 221, 272, n.
67, n.77, n.143; and anti-Semitism,
xxxixxl, 58, 59, 60, 62, 6364, 66, 72, 7374, 79, 87, 88, 97102, 103104,
206, 234, 280, 310, 311, n.48; and Fr
ankfurt School, 152, 161, 162, 163,
n.113, n.119, n.120; and Jews, xxxviixlix, 11, 13, 14, 32, 50104
152, 161, 169, 221, 238, 256, 269, 27781. n.48, n.74; and the New York
Intellectuals, 209, 216, 220, 222; see
Leftist politics
Conservative Judaism, 103, 303, n.88
Contemporary Jewish Record
, 209, 211
Coon, C., xxxiii
Cooney, T. A., 3, 209, 210, 213, 214, 215, 216, 222, 227
Cooper, A. M., 119, 132
Corbin, A., 137
Coulter, A., lxii
Coutouvidis, J., 62
Coyne, J. C., 121, 131
Crews, F., 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 125, 127, 131, 139, 144
Cromwell, O., 112
Crosby, F., 216
Crypto-Judaism, xxii, 54, 65, 66, 90, 100, 199, n. 82, n.97;
Cuddihy, J. M., xxi, xxii, xxiii, 16, 18,
21, 77, 79, 108, 115, 123, 137, 141, 142,
221, 314, 326
Cultural pluralism, 161, 275; as Jewish interest, xxii, xxxiv, lvilvii, 22, 85, 153,
194, 238255, 287288, 294, 302329,
, n.89, n.173; as portrayed in the
media, n.50; Derrida and, 201; New York Intellectuals and, 220
Cultural superiority of Judaism and Jewish intellectual-political movements,
xxxvii, 87, 95, 96, 97, 108, 196, 215, 309;
see also
Jewish superiority;
Intellectual superiority; Moral superiority
Courtois, S., xxxvii, xlv
Czechoslovakia, 262, 267, 278, 279
Darwin, C., xviii, xx, lxviii, 20, 106, 124, 129, 130, 229
Darwinism, 2049, 250, n.70
Davenport, C., 23, 28, 35
Dawidowicz, L., 91, 279
de Kooning, W., 213
de LaGarde, P., 164
de Toledano, R., 50
Deception, xxxix, 55, 60, 63, 89, 90, 92, 94,
98, 110, 111, 11
5, 121, 161, 175,
191, 192, 199, 200, 321, n.48, n.58, n.71, n.96, n.112, n.171;
Judaism, Self-deception
Deconstructionism, 198204, 207, 228, 232, n.145, n.146
26, 33, 35, 42, 46, 248, 249, 266
Ehrenburg, Ilya., xli, 5657
Ehrenburg, Israel, 26
Eickleman, D. F.,
Einhorn, D., 268
Einstein, A., vii
Eisner, M., liv, lv
Eksteins, M., n.49
Elazar, D. J., 57
Elkin, S., 141
Ellenberger, H., 118, 126, 130
England, xiii, xliv, lxviii, 9, 67, 79,
83, 112, 135, 26162, 275, 29496, 306,
n.20, n.79, n.161, n.171
Epstein, M. M., 6
Eribon, D., 21
Erikson, E. H., n.127
Faur, J., 7, 14, 310
Fehr, E., xxvii, xxviii
Feldman, L. H., 12
Ferenczi, S., 128, 130, n.96, n.105
Ferguson N., 46
and Marxism, 30, 155, n.119; and New York Intellectuals, 209; and
psychoanalysis, 139141, 155, 157158; and skepticism, 4748, 22728, 232;
Fromm, E., 114, 14041, 15455, 163, 197, 220, 222
Frommer, M., 243, 244
Fuchs, L., 80, n.85
Fundamentalism, Jewish, xxxiixxxiv
Furstenberg, F. F., 149
Galchinsky, M., 311
Garfinkel, 16
Gay, P., 15, 16, 106, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112, 114, 115, 117, 118, 119, 120, 124,
125, 126, 127, 130, 134, 224, n.62, n.98, n.100
Gelertner, D., lxi
Geltman, E., 220
Ginsberg, B. P., 9, 53, 80, 98, 280, 300, 311, n.28
Gitelman, Z., xli, 52, 53
Glazer, N., 9, 72, 77, 28, 83, 132, 16
5, 195196, 209, 213, 225, 227, 269, 305,
Glenn, S. S., 36
Gless, D. J., 198
Goddard, H. H., 3233, 36, n.64
Goldberg, H., n.83
Goldberg, Johah, lxi
Goldberg, J. J., xxii, 23, 187, 221, 242, 243, 245, 290, 300, 301, n.95
Goldblum, J., lx
Goldenson, L., lv
Goldenweiser, A., 25
Goldfarb, S. H., 250
Goldfrank, E. S., 25
Goldhagen, D., l, li
Goldman, E., 68, 70
Goldmann, N., xxxix
Goldschmidt, W., xxv
Goldstein, I., 277, 28284
Goldstein, J., 225, 242, 257, 259, 260
Gomulka, W., 63, 100
Goodman, P., 3, 139, 141, 142, 213
Gordon, S., 8
Gottfredson, L. S., n.141
Gottfried, P., viiiix, xviii, lxxiii, 77, 193,
221, 225, 308, 310, 311, 315, n.84
Gottlieb, G., 39, 43
Gould, S. J., 3038, 4143, 4648, 247, n.65, n.66, n.70
Graham, D., n.32
Graham, K. M., n.32
Grant, M., 24, 28, 35, 24648
Gray, K. D., 149
Greenberg, C., 209211, 213, 214
Greenspan, A., 216
Greenwald, A. J., 208, 216, 236
Grellong, B. A., 172
Gross, B., 42, n.98
Grosskurth, P., 109, 127, 128, 130, 131, n.96
Grnbaum, A., 118
Grnberg, C., 227
Gullotta, T. P., n.127
Guterman, N., 124
Haam, A.,
Hagen, W. W., 59, 305
Hajnal, J., xxv, 135
Hale, N., 114, 128, 129, 132, 225
Halevi, H. K., n.38
Hamilton, D., n.26
Hammer, A., n.82
Hammer, M. F., xxxvi
Hanawalt, B., 136, 137
Handlin, O., 195, 196, 285288, 289, 319, 327, n.173
Hannan, K., vii
Hannibal, 112, 114, 115
Hanson, P., 299
Harvey, I., 48
Hawkins, F., 296, 297, 298
Hegel, G. W. F., 156, 163, 202, 204, 219
Heilbrun, J., lxi
Heine, H., 7, 10, 13, n.71, n.76, n.107
Henry, W. E., 106
Herlihy D., 137
Herrnstein Smith, B., 198
Herrnstein, R., vi, 31, 148, 149, 150, 242, 312, 313, n.176, n.179
Herskovits, M., 25, 287
Hertzberg, A., 31, 32, 33, 35, 39, 56, 70, 78, 80, 261
Herzl, T., 13, 16
Herzog, E., 177
Heschel, A. J., 56
Heschel, S., 311
Hierarchic harmony, 32, 312, 314, 315, 316, 322, 326, n.179, n.180
Higham, J., 166, 196, 218, 239, 243, 244, 247, 248, 256, 265, 286, 303, 317, 324
High-investment parenting, 82, 13537, 146, 147, 177, 180, 182, 183, 190, 193,
32425, 327, n.178
Himmelfarb, G., 150
Himmelstrand, U., n.93
Hirsch, Jerry, 30, 40, 41
Hirsch, Judd, lviii
Hitler, A., vi, xlii, xliv, xlvi, xlvii, lx, lxiii, 43, 96, 152, 161, 187, 279, n.71
Hoffman, A., 77
Hoffman, J., 77
Hofstadter, R., 75, 194196, 227, 287, 288, n.108
Hogg, M. A., 12, 17, 89, 167
Hollinger, D. A., xviii, 4, 5, 20, 30, 242, 243, 244, 245
Holocaust, ix, x, xxxiii, xxxiv, xlixliii, xlvi
, xlviilii, liii, lvii, lviii, lx, lxiii, lxiv,
lxix, 31, 34, 41, 44, 56, 73, 93, 153, 203, 228, 245
Hook, S., 53, 64, 95, 209, 21113, 223, 242, 244, 274, 305
Horkheimer, M., 15262
, 192, 197, 198, 214, 220, 222, n.113. n.116,
n/117, n.118, n.144
Horney, K., 140
Horowitz, I. L., 20, 98, 102, 217, 219, 221, 234, 309, 313, 314, n.119, n.180
House Un-American Activities Comm
ittee, xlii, 280, 281, 282
Howe, I., 16, 50, 213, 220, 223, 305
House Un-American Activities Committee
Hull, D. L., 47, 226, 229, 230
24; of Boasian anthropologists, 22, 24; of Noam Chomsky, n.108; of Jacques
Derrida, 199; of Benjamin Disraeli, 12; of Hollywood screen writers, n.81; of
Jewish intellectuals, vi, viiviii, xxxv, lxxiii, 2, 3, 5, 9, 10, 18, 39, 138, 139,
195, 205, 226; of Jewish political activists, xxxv, lxxiii, 5, 255, n.150; of
Jewish radicals/leftists, xl, xliv, xlv, 5,
9, 30, 5196, 138, 146, 171, 193, 208,
310, 229, 232, n.81, n.,83; of Ilya Ehrenburg, 5657;; of Albert Einstein, vii;
of Frankfurt School, 140, 152, 234, n.90,
n.118; of Felix Frankfurter, xv; of
Sigmund Freud, 105, 107111, 116, 216, 234, n.72, n.99; of Erich Fromm,
140, 163; of S. J. Gould, 3132;
of Clement Greenberg, 211; of Armand
Hammer, n.82; of Heinrich Heine, n.76;
of Joseph Heller, n.51; of Richard
Hofstadter, n.108; of Sidney Hook, 211;
of Max Horkheimer, 152; of Jewish
liberals, 138, 171; of Horace Kallen,
323; of Leon Kamin, 32; of Irving
Kristol, n.108; of Richard Lerner, 43; Claude Lvi-Strauss, 21; of Charles
Liebman, 10; of Rosa Luxemburg, 5455; of Louis Marshall, n.150; of Karl
Marx, 50, n.71; of Barry Mehler, 40;
of Ashley Montagu, 26; of Henry
Morgenthau, Jr., xv; of neo-Freudians, 140; of neo-conservatives, 31011,
n.86; of New York Intellectuals, 138, 209; of Polish Jewish communists, 58
67; of psychoanalysts, 106, 144, 146, 208; of radicals in the U.K., 79; of Otto
Rank, n.97; of J. Rapoport, n.81; of Maurice Samuel, n.150; of Edward Sapir ;
of Leon Trotsky , 53, n.74;
Social identity theory
Identification, of non-Jews, 167190, 207, 322324, n.122
Immigration: as Jewish interest, v, ixxi, xx
iii, xxxv, xliv, l, liv, lxvii, lxviii, lxix,
, 300, 302, 310, 319, 322,
n.50; into European countries, xix, xx, xxi
xxii, xxxv, xlix, lxii, lxvii, lxviii,
lxix, 226, 315, 317328; Charles Dave
nport and, 35; Jacques Derrida and,
20102; S. J. Gould and, 3134; H.H. G
oddard and, n.64; Madison Grant and,
35; Oscar Handlin and, 19
5, 285287, 289, 319, 327;
Sidney Hook and, 213;
Max Lerner and, 195; Richard Lewontin
and, 41; Leon Kamin and, 3234, 41;
neo-conservatives and, 310311, n.86; Ne
w York Intellectuals and, 210, 215;
Steven Rose and, 41; Maurice Samuel
, n.86; Israel Zangwill and, 258259,
263, 323, 327, 328; of Jewish radicals, 83, 269, n.161, n.171
Individualism, 5, 18, 24, 149, 164, 186, 187, 217, 23233; and science, 132, 228
35, n.104; as advocated by Jewish intellectuals, 1415, 103, 149, 162, 163,
Javits, J., 249, 255, 275, 282, 283, 290, 291
Jay, M., 152, 156, 159, 163, 192, 234, n.118
Jensen, A., 35, 36, 46, 48, 229
Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee, xxxix, 52, 53, 55, 56
Jewish superiority, 97, 109, 111, 144, 147, 211, n.101;
superiority, intellectual superiority, moral superiority
Anti-Semitism; Conservative Juda
ism; Orthodox Judaism; Reform
Judaism; Zionism
Johnson, A., 262, 264, 272, 285
Johnson, H., 107
Johnson, L., 78
Johnson, P., 1, 6, 7, 8, 12, 97, 118, 187, n.56, n.120
Jones, A. S., liv, lv
Jones E., 109111, 127, 128, 130, 131
Joseph, K., 295
Joyce, J., 204
Judis, J., 242, n.175
Jumonville, N., 209, 210, 211,
214, 215, 223, 227
Jung, C. G., 109, 110, 113, 125, 126, 127, 133, n.98, n.105
Kadushin, C., 4, 132, 139, 208
Kafka, F., l, lxix, 211
Kagan, R., lxi
Kaganovich, L., xl, 97
Kahan Commission, lxiii, n.37
Kallen, H., 219220, 240, 243245, 254, 268, 277, 287288, 303, 323
Kamin, L., 30, 3234, 41, 43,247
Kann, K., xli, xli, 73, n.81
Kann, P. R., liv
Katz J., 50, 145, 156, 305
Kaufman, J., 96, 252
Kaus, M., 149
Keeley, L. H., 29
Kelly, J. B., 148
Kerr, W., 4, 132, 237
Keyes, A., lxii
Kimball, R., 197
Kinnecutt, F., 271
Kirk, R., 221, n.175
Kissinger, H., liv, 209, 215
Klehr, H., 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 86, 84
Klein, D. B., 106, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 116, 144, 145, n.97, n.99
Klein Halevi, lxi
Knode, J., 82
Kohler, K., 268
Konvitz, M., 287
Kornberg,, R., 13
Kostyrchenko, G., 52, 57, 98, 99
Kotkin, J., n.28,
Kramer, H., 197, 198, 210
Krassner P., 77
Kraut, A. M., 261, 262, 270, 271
Krauthammer, C., lxi, 305
Kris, E., 122
Kristol, I., lxi, lxviii, 209,
210, 213, 221, 305, n.168, n.175
Kristol, W., lv, lxi, xlviii
Kroeber, A., 23, 25, 27, n.60
Kudlow, L., lxi
Kunkel, E. J., xxv
Kurzweil E., 106, 113, 114, 121, 133, 138, 142, 145, n.98, n.194, n.110, n.111
Lacan, J., 21, 142
Lachman-Mosse, H., n.49
Ladurie, E. L., n.95, xxvi
Lakoff, R. T., 121, 131
Lamarckianism, 107, 120, 145, 147, n.58, n.77
Landau, D., 223
Landmann, M., 163
Laqueur, W., 301
193, 194, 195, 196, 206, 308
Lasky, M. J., 213
Leftist politics Jewish involvement in, v, xi, xxxviixlvii, lxvii, lxviii, lxix, lxxiii,
3, 5, 11, 18, 20, 2223, 25, 3032, 38, 4041, 50104, 114, 139140, 143,
149155, 160, 162, 169, 171, 173, 192, 195199, 205209, 212, 215, 219
227, 244, 269, 279, 283, 306, 310311, 314, n.23, n.60, n.63, n.74, n.83,
n.174, n.177m n.180;
Lehman, H. H., xli, 251, 259, 274, 283
Lehrman, D. S., 39
Lenin, V. I., xxxix, 52, 9697, 141, 154, 227, n.91
Lenz, F., xxv, 20, 325, n.58
Lerner, M., 195, 287288
Lerner, R., 300, 301, n.68
Lerner, Richard M., 39, 4045, 46, n.68
Levering-Lewis, D., 251, 252
Levey, G. B., 84, n.89
Levin, G. M., liv
Levin, N., 51, 67, 68, 69, 86, 91, 92, 103, n.72
Levinson, D. J., 165, 168171, 183, 186, n.120, n.122, n.123
Levy, R. S., 91
Lewin, R., 20, 36, 37
Lewontin, R., 30, 38, 4148, 231, n.70
Lichter, L. S., n.50
Lichter, S. R., lvi, lvii, 8, 9, 20, 30, 50, 51, 53, 71, 74, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 84,
87, 90, 101, 103, 140, 149, 208, 218, 225, 233, n.50, n.83, n.85, n.88
Liebman, A., 11, 67, 68, 69, 71, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 84, 87, 89, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96,
228, 280, n.80, n.85
Liebman, C. S., 10, 20, 84, 88, 89, 95, 232, n.85, n.114
Light of the nations theme of Jewish ideology, 18, 80, 112, 113, 146, 206, 309
Likud Party, xxxvxxxvi
Lilla, M., 22, 202
Limbaugh, R., lxii
Lincoln, W. B., 80
Lind, M., lxii, n.175
Lindbergh, A. M., xvixvii
Lindbergh, C., xiixviii, n.4, n.5
Lindemann, A. S., xxxviii, xlv, xlvi, 4, 6, 11, 53, 54, , 81, 96, 97, 98, 99, 251,
287, 302
Linton, R., 27
Maccoby, E., 174
Macdonald, D., 138, 213
MacDonald, K. B., viii, ix, xx, xxiv, xxv,
xxvi, xxix, xxx, xxxxii, xlii, li, lx, lxv
lxviii, lxx, lxxiii, 42, 43, 120, 121, 122,
123, 124, 133, 134,
135, 136, 173,
174, 175, 183, 186, 235, 321, 315, 318, 325, 326, 329, n.13, n.107, n.178
MacFarlane, A., 135, 136, 137, 318
McCarran-Walter Act, 274276, 278,
281285, 286, 289290, 328
McCarthyism, xlii, xliv, 32, 75, 84, 193, 238
McConnell, S., x, n.1
McCormack, D., 298
McCormick, R., 15
McGrath, W. J., 114, 115, 117
McLanahan, S., 148, 149
Mead, M., 20, 23, 2529, 249, n.61, n.142
Medding, P. Y., n.89
Media, Jewish involvement in, xiiixv, xviiixx,
xli, xliii, xlvii, li, liilxv, lxviii,
lxix, 2, 6, 8, 9, 50, 79, 100, 131, 138, 139, 206, 225226, 233, 235, 238, 246,
250, 253, 257, 296, 301, 302, 310, 317, n.28, n.32, n.175
Medved, M., lii, lix
Meitlis, J., n.101
Menorah Journal
, 209, 213, 220
Messianism, as characteristic of Jewish
intellectual movements, 41, 82, 8788,
111112, 134, 145146, 202, 223, n.71, n.102
Meyer, E., xiii
Meyer, M. A., 268, 269, n.71
Mezvinsky, N., xxxiixxxiv
Miller L. F., 149
Minton, H. L., 165
Mintz, J. R., 177, 223
Mishkinsky, M., 51
Molotov, V., 53, 56
Money, J., 326
Monogamy as Western marriage system, xxivxxvi, xxx, xxxi, lxv, 13337
Montagu, A., 26, 249
Moore, G., 300
Moral particularism: as characteristic of
Judaism, ix, xxix, xxxi, xxxiv, xl
Moral superiority: as aspect of Jewish intellectual movements, xx, xxix, 65, 70,
108, 115, 116, 117, 120, 144, 145, 147, 194, 206, 214, 221, 316, n.83
Morris, G. L. K., 213
Morton, S. G., 35
Moscovici, S., 17
Moynihan, D. P., 9, 132, n.121
Mugny, G., 17
Mullen, B., 208
Cultural pluralism
Murray, C., vi, 148, 149, 150, 242, 312, 313, n.179
Musiquant, C., 293
Muuss, R. E. H., n.127
Myers, G., 30, 39
Nadell, P. S., 262
Namier, L., 205
Napoleon, 112
Nathan of Gaza, 118, n.102
, lxii
National Socialism, x, xiii, xivxvii, xlv
xlvii, lxiii, 79, 34, 4344, 56, 60, 64,
96, 107108, 140, 143, 145, 151153, 156, 161162, 164, 207, 217, 241, 245,
253, 270271, 294, 308, n.3, n.4, n.24, n.34,n.68, n.116, n.70, n.92
Nationalism: non-Jewish, xviii
xix, xxxvxxxvi, xl, xlv, 44, 50, 51, 63, 6667,
80, 8990, 100, 159163, 190, 201, 210, 215, 220, 240, 252, 271, 296, 310,
n.71, n.93; Jewish, xxxvxxxvi, 51, 52, 53, 81, 92, 97, 162, n.72, n.74, n.150
Navasky, V., 280, n.25
National Socialism
Neo-conservatism, v, vi, x, xi, xviii, lv,
103, 208, 215, 221, 2
23, 225, 234, 242,
305, 310311, 313, n.54, n.86, n.89, n.175
Neo-Orthodox Judaism,
Orthodox Judaism
Nugent, W. T. K., 195
OBrien, P., lxxi
Oedipal complex, 113, 121, 12627, 131, 143
Ohmann, R., 198
Orgel, S., 119, 129, 131
OReilley, B., lxii
Orthodox Judaism, xxxvii, 83, 103, 189, 235, 159, 268, 303, 312, 320, n.87, n.88,
n.121, n.161
Ozick, C., xxxviii, 16, 218219
xiv, xxxv, lii, lx, lxi, lxii, lxx, n.21
Pangle, T. L., 221
), 3, 138139, 20911, 213, 215, 220, 222223, 227, 244,
Pavlov, I., n.77
Presidents Commission on Immi
Pearl, Jonathan, lvii, lviii
Pearl, Judith, lvii, lviii
Perelman, R., liii
Phillips, R., 136
Phillips, W., 213, 222, 227
Phillips, W. Senator, 271
Piccone, P., 197
Pinker, S., viii, 37
Pinkus, B., 51, 52, 53, 96
Pipes, D., lxi
Pipes, R., 53, 80, 96, 98, 99, n.67, n.86
Plastrik, S.,220
Cultural pluralism
158, 185, 188, 190
191, 193, n.116, n.
127; and group cohesiveness, 21718,
221, n.57; and leftist politics, 114, 13
840, 146147, n.74, n.83, n.98; and
Marxism, 114; and New York Intellectua
ls, 209; and theories of anti-Semitism,
xviii, 18, 112113, 117118,
141, 143145, 158, 185, 193, 206, 286, 308,
n.l01; as authoritarian movement, 27, 12433, 221; as messianic movement,
lviii, 41, 87, 11213, 217, n.97; as politi
cal movement, 12433, 144, 207, 222,
224, 229, n.52, n.105, n.106; as serving Jewish interests, 144150,
n.108Jewish involvement in, 104m 10506, 10910, 232, n.56, n.94, n.99;
racialist thinking in, 10710; role of
Jewish intellectual media in promoting,
lii, 38, 225; scientific status
of, 11824, 226, n.103, n.111
, 131
Pulzer, P., 8, 91
Quaife, G. R., 137
Raab, E.,85, 194, 241, 300, 305, n.148
Race, 92, 278, 415; as category for immigration to Western countries, 260, 264,
270, 273, 273, 276277, 281, 284, 286, 29
1, 301; Jewish, xiii, xxxv, 13, 109,
114, 115, 145, 161, 258, 259, 268, 271, n.52, n.58, n.150; white or nordic, xii
xiii, xviii, 240, 263, 267, 268, n.159;
Racial differences research
Racial differences research, 2228, 33, 36, 246, 24649, 255, 286
Radical politics, Jewish involvement in,
Leftist politics
Radin, P., 25
Ragins, S., 253
Rank, O., 112, 125127, n.96, n.97
Rankin, J., 278
Rapoport, J., xlxli, n.81
Rapoport, L., xxxviii, xxxix, 53, 80, 96
Rappoport, C., n.74
Rather, L. J., 220, n.52
Ray, J. J., n.413
Redstone, S., liii
Reform Judaism, xxii, xxxi, lv, 78, 103, 112, 207, 239, 26869, 303, 316, n.7,
n.60, n.88
Reich, R., 216
Reich, W. 16, 11314, 123, 13942, 155, 221
Revercomb, C., 273
Reynolds, G., 165
Reynolds, J., 62
Rice, E., 110, 116, 117
Richard, J., 305, n.177
Riesman, D., 19596, 213, 287
Rifkind, S. H., 274, 27677, 280, 283
Ringer, F. K., 8, 162
Roberts, P. C., n.176
Robertson, P., n.175
Roddy, J., n.8
Romania, 262
Rome, x, xxvi, 52, 112, 114115, 120, 133, 137, 312, 326, 329, n.114
Rose, S., 30, 41, 43
Rosen, E. J., 183
Rosenberg, A., 161
Rosenberg, H., 213
Russia, vii, x, xiii, xix, xxxviixlvii, 5, 11, 23, 25, 32, 5153, 62, 75, 81, 83, 87,
92, 96101, 127, 225, 238, 258, 269, 278, 288, 307, n.53, n.73, n.74, n.92,
n.119, n.155
Ryan, A., 312, n.176
Sabath, A., 255, 263, 26768, n.159
Sabin, J., lxxiii
Sachar, H. M., 77, 79, 99, 218, 220, 225, 238, 243, 245, 305
Salter, F., xiii, lxxiii, 131, 301, 302, 305
Samelson, F., 32, 33, 35, 247, 248
Sameroff, A., 39
Sammons, J. L., 13, n.71, n.107
Samuel, M., 240, 261, n.150
Sandel, M. J. 244, 245
Sanford, R. N., 165, 167, 172
Sapir, E., 25, 28
Schachtman, M.,
Schapiro, L., xxxix
Schapiro, M., 213
Schatz, J., 14, 54, 55, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 80, 87, 88, 91, 95, 100, 101,
279, n.83
Schiff, J., xxxix, xlii, xlv, 81, 225, 251
Schmidt, H. D., 253
Schnierla, T. C., 39, 43
Schofield, R., 134, 135
Scholem, G., 82, 152, 218, 219
Schorsch, I., 244
Schuh, E. S., 208, 216, 236
Schwartz, D., 3, 213
Schwarzchild, S. S., 219
Science, as Western phenomenon, xxviixxx, lxvii, lxix, 228236, 309, 326
Segerstrle, U., 47
Self-deception, vi, 10, 15, 54, 55, 57, 58,
60, 61, 65, 66, 67, 74, 89, 90, 92, 94,
95, 111, 192, 199, 216, 220, 234, 236, 321, n.48, n.147
Silverman, I., 39
Simon Wiesenthal Center, lxiiilxv, n.41, n.42
Simon, J., 242
Singerman, R., 246, 247, 268
Sirkin, M. I., 172
Skepticism, as feature of Jewish intellect
ual movements, 8, 27, 4648, 163, 202,
227228, 232, n.146
Slansky, R., 279
Smith, G., 253, 306
Smith, R. M., 322, 323
Smooha, S., 319
Snyderman, M.,
Sobran, J., lxiii, n.4, n.75, n.175
Social identity theory,
Social science, as ideology, vii, 10, 18, 153154; Jewish involvement in, vivii,
viii, xx, lii, lxviii, 1,
89, 15, 18, 2049
, 79, 80, 87, 90, 105, 110, 112,
116, 118133, 139, 142, 144, 145, 145, 150, 151158, 162, 163, 165, 166,
166192, 195198, 205208, 218, 224, 226236, 240, 244, 248, 249, 254,
258, 271, 286287, 298, n.57, n.58, n.101, n.176, n.177
Sociology, 9, 20, 21, 130, 138, 151, 153154, 210, 213, 218, 227, 234, 309, 314
Solkolnikov, G., 53
Solzhenitsyn, A., n.92
Sonnenfeld, B., n.50
Sontag, S., 213
Sorin, G., 5, 23, 51, 67, 68, 83, 269
Sorkin, D., 9
Southwood, T. R. E., 326
Spinoza, B., n.56
Spray, S. L., 106
Stalin, J., xxxvixxxix, xli, 5253, 5657, 6061, 76, 79, 88, 97103, 212, n.24,
Stalinism, 126, 128, 153, 223, 305
Stallworth, L. M., 327
Stein, B., lvi, lix, lx, 9
Steinberg, L., 136
Stimson, H. L., 261
Stocking, G., 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 248, n.63
Stoddard, T. L., xii, 247
Stone, L., xxv, 136
Stove, D. C., 230
Stratton, L. M., n. 176
Strauss, L., 221, 225
Sugerman, 246, 247, 268
Sullivan, A., lxii
Sullivan, J., xi
Sullivan, H. S., 140
Sulloway, F., 118
Sulzberger family, xiii, li, liv
Svonkin, S., xlii, 69, 72, 239, 245, 246, 252, 278, 279, 280
Symons, D.,37
Symott, M. G., 265
Sykes, B., xxvii
Szajkowski, Z., xxxvii, xliii, xlv, xlvi, 81, 225, n.53
Tar, Z.,140, 152, 153, 155, 162
Tarcov, N., 221
Taylor, S. J., n.25
Terman, L. M., 3334, 266
Thernstrom, A., lxx
Thernstrom, S., lxx
Tifft, S. E., liv, lv,
Tooby, J., viii
Toranska, T., 61, 62, 65
Torrey, E. F., 24, 27, 30, 107, 114, 118, 138, 139, 208, n.61
Triandis, H. C., xxiv, xxiii, 163, 164, 165, 186, 233, 326
Trilling, D., 213
Trilling, L., 16, 209, 213, 214, 220, 223
Troper, H. E., 296
Trotsky, L., xxxix, xli, xlv, 5354, 5859, 92, 97, 103, 114, 141, 212, 220, 222,
227, 245, n.74, n.83
Trotskyism, 60, 114, 209, 213, 220, 221, 222, 245
Truman, H. S, 73, 273, 280, 284
Tucholsky, K., 8
Turney-High, H., 29
Ukraine, 3842, 54, n.81
United States, v, x, xii, xiii, xx, 148, 149, 315, n.4m n.14, n.43; and anti-
Semitism, 188, n. 6, n.148; and cultural
pluralism, 194, 195,
220, 298, 30708,
316, 319, 323, n.155; and Jewish involvement in adversary culture, 9, 314,
n.110; and Jewish leftists, v, xli, xlii
xlvi, 11, 6779, 81, 83, 8586, 225, n.82;
and policy toward Israel, lii, lxvii, lxix,
lxxii, xxxiv, n.175; and relations with
von Treitschke, H., 244
Wagner, R., 167
Wald, A. L., 216, 220
Walter, F., 28284, 289
McCarran-Walter Act
Walzer, M., x, 13, 213
Wanger, W., n.3
Wangh, M., 143
Warburg, P., xxxix, xlii, 251, n.175
Washington Post
, xiii, lxii, n.22, n.32, n.39
Warshow, R., 209, 213
Wattenberg, B., xi, lxi, 242
Waxman, C., 148
Weil, F., 151, 225
Weng, L. J., 36
Werth, N., xxxvii, xxxix, xl, xli
Westermarck, G., 120, 136
Western culture, xii, xiii, xxii, xlvii, lxi
ii, 57, 82, 98; and Holocaust, xliii, xlviii;
as influencing Judaism, 212, 238, 321,
318; characteristics of, xxiiixxix, xxxi,
xxiv, 32, 45, 46, 134138, 204, 228, 31229, n.95, n.107, n.115, n.178, n.181;
Jewish contributions to, lxvi
lxvii, lxviiilxx, 324; Jewish cultural critique of,
xxx, 28, 29, 30, 32, 38, 73, 112117m 118, 120, 123, 126, 133144, 149, 159,
198, 203, 211, 224, 233, 300, n.62, n.
98, n.109, n.146; Jewish hostility toward,
15, 32, n.83, n.100; and the Jewish left, v, xliv, xlv, xlvixlvii, 1819, 81, 99,
206, 314; Jewish attempts to alter, v, viii,
ix, xiii, xlvii, xlix, lvii, lxvi, lxviii,
lxix, lxii, 7, 18, 19, 2122, 148, 160, 197, 198, 207, 211, 239, 293, 29697,
299, 302, 319, 320, n.23, n.50, n.56, n.179; and Judaism, 30029
White, L., 10, 23, 24, 25, 27
Whitfield, S. J., 218, 219
Whiting, n.9, n.11
Whitney, G., lxxiii
Wiesel, E., xxxiii, xlviii, li
Simon Wiesenthal Center
Wiggershaus, R., 140, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 160, 191, 192, 197,
198, 222, 225, 227, n.112, n.113, n.143
Willerman, L. 48
Williams, G. C., 37, 47
Wilson, E. O., 36, 41, 42, 47
Wilson, J. Q., 123, 134, 149
Wilson, W., xlv, 257, 259, n.63
Winston, D., 78
Wise, S. S., xxxix, lv, 260, 264
Wiseman, F., 9
Wittels, F., 113, 122, 125
, 129, 134, n.105, n.106
Wolf, C., n.46, n.47
Wolf, E. R., 23
Wolf, L., xlv, n.53
World Jewish Congress, xxxv, xxxix, liii, lv
Wrezin, M.,213
Wright, R., 37, 38
Wrigley, E. A., 134, 135
Yerkes, R. M., 33
Yerushalmi, Y. H., 105, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 116, 117, 125, 133, 146, 157,
Young-Bruehl, E., 145
Zablow, S., n.95
Zangwill, I., 25859, 263,
323, 327, 328, n.156
1. McConnells comments were made on
an email discussion list, September 30,
2. This listing is based on several sources: Editors of Fortune (1936);
To Bigotry
No Sanction. A Documented Anal
ysis of Anti-Semitic Propaganda
. Prepared by
the Philadelphia Anti-Defamation Council a
nd the American Je
wish Committee.
Philadelphia: Philadelphia Anti-Defa
mation Council (1941); Gabler 1988;
Kantor 1982;
3. Ben Hecht, who was a prominent Holl
ywood screenwriter and staunch Zionist,
included pro-interventionist ideas in movies at this time (
Authors Calendar, For example, in
Angels over Broadway
(1940), Hecht has the Douglas Fairbanks
Jr. character ask, What happened to
the Poles, the Finns, the Dutch? Theyre little guys. They didnt win. . . . Rita
Hayworth replies, They will, some day. Hecht also made some uncredited
additions to Alfred Hitchcocks
Foreign Correspondent
(1940). When Hitchcock
was asked about the anti-Nazi and pro-Britain message of the film, he said that it
was all the doing of Walter Wanger and Ben Hecht. (Wanger was also Jewish;
his birth name was Walter Feuchtwanger.) In the film a character says, Keep
those lights burning, cover them with steel, build them in with guns, build a
canopy of battleships and bombing planes
around them and, hello, America, hang
on to your lights, theyre the only lights in the world.
4. The only exception in recent yearsalbeit relatively minorwas Pat
Buchanans 1990 column in which he refe
rred to Israels Amen Corner in the
United States advocating war with Iraq. (Indeed, the American-Israel Public
Affairs Committee had been lobbying Congress behind the scenes to declare war
on Iraq [Sobran 1999]). Writing in the
stated, Out of the slime of the sewers a
nd into the filth of the gutter a desperate
Patrick J. Buchanan, the neo-Nazi, has cr
awled into the political arena using anti-
Semitism as his principal device to secure
a future for himself (Adelson 1999).
The columnist went on to claim that Bu
chanan always was a neo-Nazi and that
he reveals the shallow quality of his to
rtured, sick, defective mind. Not to be
the respondents wished to maintain the
status quo
. The Pope was bitterly
disappointed by the response of the episcopate (p. 449).
9. Burton, M. L., Moore, C. C., Whiting, J. W. M., & Romney, A. K. (1996).
Current Anthropology, 37
: 87123.
15. A halachic difference refers to a di
stinction based on Jewish religious law.
example, how they never can or will admit that anybody who disagrees with
them is honest (p. 160). This comment reflects the authoritarian exclusion of
dissenters noted as a characteristic of Je
wish intellectual and political movements
25. Taylor, S. J. (1990).
Stalins Apologist, Walter Duranty: The New York
Timess Man in Moscow
. New York: Oxford University Press; R. Radosh (2000).
From Walter Duranty to Victor Navasky: The
New York Times
Love Affair with
, October 26; W. L. Anderson (2001),
Missed the Wrong Missed Story
nderson45.html, November 17, 2001.
Radoshs article shows that the
sympathy with communism continues into
the present. The
has never renounced the Pulitzer Prize given to Walter
Duranty for his coverage of Stalins Five-Year Plan.
26. Hamilton, D. (2000). Keeper of the Flame: A Blacklist Survivor.
27. See
28. Discussions of Jewish ownership of the media include: Ginsberg 1993, 1;
Kotkin 1993, 61; Silberman 1985, 147.
, April 27, 2001, pp. 1, 9.
, November 14, 1997, p. 14.
32. A partial exception is the Washington Post Co. Until her recent death, the
Washington Post
was run by Katherine Meyer Graham, daughter of Eugene
Meyer, who purchased the paper in the 1930s. Ms. Graham had a Jewish father
and a Christian mother and was raised as
an Episcopalian. Katherines husband,
the former publisher of the Post,
Phil Graham, was not Jewish. The
publisher, since 1991, is Donald Graham, the son of Katherine and Phil Graham.
This influential publishing group is thus
34. Cones (1997) provides a similar analysis:
This analysis of Hollywood films with religious themes or
characters reveals that in the
last four decades Hollywood has
portrayed Christians as sexually ri
gid, devil worshipping cultists,
talking to God, disturbed, h
ypocritical, fanatical, psychotic,
dishonest, murder suspects, Bible quoting Nazis, slick hucksters,
fake spiritualists, Bible pushers, deranged preachers, obsessed,
Catholic schoolboys running amok, Adam & Eve as pawns in a
38. Yossi Klein Halevi, Sharon has learned from his mistakes.
February 7, 2001.
Washington Post
, July 3, 2001;
, October 18, 2001.
40. Jewish organizations have also be
en strong advocates of hate crime
legislation. For example, in 1997 the ADL published
Hate Crimes: ADL
which provides recommendations on prevention and

in support of their theories. He also points out, citing Roberts (1972), that
Disraelis view that events were controlled by vast international conspiracies was
encouraged argumentation (
, Ch. 7), these discussions were
performed within a very narrowly pr
escribed range in which the basic
assumptions were not questioned. In the post-Enlightenment world, Jewish
iconoclasm has clearly been much more
directed at gentile culture than at
Judaism, and evidence provided here and in
the following chapters indicates that
the iconoclasm was often motivated by
hostility toward gentile culture. By
Johnsons own account, both
Marxism and psychoanalysis are unlikely to have
arisen from gentiles, since they both cont
ain strong overtones of Jewish religious
thinking, and I would argue that psychoanalysis especially is unlikely to have
arisen except as a tool in the war on gen
tile culture. The results are much more
plausibly due to the generally higher verbal IQ among Jews and their ability to
form cohesive groups now directed at cr
itiquing gentile culture rather than at
comprehending the Torah and thereby achieving status within the Jewish
57. The comment referring to solitary opposition is disingenuous, since
psychoanalysis from its origins was characterized by a strong group
consciousness emanating from a committed core of members. Psychoanalysis
condemning any discussion of Judaism in terms of race. Lenz states that the
Jewish opposition to discussion of race inevitably arouses the impression that
they must have some reason for figh
ting shy of any exposition of racial
questions. Lenz notes that Lamarckian
sentiments became less common among
64. See also Gelb (1986) for a revealing discussion of H. H. Goddards
involvement in testing immigrants.
65. More recently, Gould (1997) accepts
the idea that the human brain became
large as a result of natural selection. Nevertheless, he states that most of our
mental abilities and potentials may be spandrels. This is presumably an example
directly implicated in Goulds success
as an articulate, highly productive
67. After noting the tens of millions of
captures the idea that radical environmen
talism is eminently capable of serving
as an ideology underlying political regimes that carry out mass murder.
68. I should note that I have had consid
erable professional contact with Lerner
and at one time he was a major influen
ce on my thinking. Early in my career
70. It is interesting in this regard that the proto-Nazi racial theorist Houston
Stewart Chamberlain mounted an attemp
t to discredit science because of its
perceived incompatibility with his political
and cultural aims. In a move that long
antedated the anti-science ideology of
the Frankfurt School and contemporary
postmodernism (see Ch. 5), Chamberlain argued that science was a social
construction and the scientist was like an
artist who was engaged in developing a
symbolic representation of reality. So strong was his insistence upon the
mythical nature of scientific theory that he removed any real possibility of
that The Jewish people [are] the bearer
of all the great ideas of unity and human
community in history The disappearance of the Jewish people would signify
the death of humankind, the final transformation of man into a wild beast (p.
75. Similar comments continue as a theme of writing about Jews in the
contemporary United States. Joseph Sobran (1995, 5) describes Jews who
maintain their borders furtively and deal disingenuously with
gentiles. Raymond Chandler once observed of them that they
want to be Jews among themselves but resent being seen as
Jews by gentiles. They want to pursue their own distinct
Ch. 6). Rothman and Lichter (1982, 81)
quote another observer of the New Left
scene at the University of Wisconsin as
follows: I am struck by the lack of
Wisconsin born people and the massive preponderance of New York Jews. The
situation at the University of Minnesota
is similar. His correspondent replied:
As you perceived, the Madison left is built on New York Jews.
My personal experience at Wisconsin
during the 1960s was that the student
protest movement was originated and dom
inated by Jews and that a great many
of them were red diaper babies whose parents had been radicals. The
intellectual atmosphere of the movement closely resembled the atmosphere in the
Polish Communist movement described by
Schatz (1991, 117)intensely verbal
-like discussions in which ones reputa
tion as a leftist was related to ones
ability in Marxist intellectual analysis a
nd familiarity with Marxist scholarship,
both of which required a great deal of study. There was also a great deal of
hostility to Western cultural institutions
as politically and sexually oppressive
combined with an ever-present sense of
danger and imminent destruction by the
forces of repressionan ingroup bunker mentality that I now believe is a
fundamental characteristic of Jewish social forms. There was an attitude of moral
and intellectual superiority and even
contempt toward traditional American
culture, particularly rural America and mo
st particularly the Southattitudes that
are hallmarks of several of the intellectual movements reviewed here (e.g., the
attitudes of Polish-Jewish communists toward traditional Polish culture; see also
Chs. 5 and 6). There was also a strong desire for bloody, apocalyptic revenge
against the entire social structure viewed as having victimized not only Jews but
non-elite gentiles as well.
These students had very positive attitudes
toward Judaism as well as negative
attitudes toward Christianity, but perhaps
surprisingly, the most salient contrast
a very large following in the largest le
cture hall on campus, as well as other
Jewish leftists, including especially Leon Trotsky, Rosa Luxemburg, and Herbert
Marcuse. (The tendency for Jewish inte
llectual movements to become centered
around highly charismatic Jewish figures
is apparent in this chapter and is
summarized as a general phenomenon in Chap
ter 6.) They adopted an attitude of
condescension toward another well-known historian, George Mosse. Mosses
Jewishness was quite salient to them, but he was viewed as insufficiently radical.
84. Paul Gottfried (1996, 9-10), a Jewish
conservative, has this to say about his
graduate student days at Yale in
the 1960s: All my Jewish colleagues in
graduate school, noisy anti-anti-Communists, opposed American capitalist
imperialism, but then became enthusi
astic warmongers duri
ng the Arab-Israeli
War in 1967. One Jewish Marxist acquaintan
ce went into a rage that the Israelis
did not demand the entire Mideast at th
e end of that war. Another, though a
feminist, lamented that the Israeli soldie
rs did not rape more Arab women. It
would be no exaggeration to say that my
graduate school days resounded with
Jewish hysterics at an institution where Wasps seemed to count only for
85. See also Arthur Liebmans (1979, 5-11), Charles Liebmans (1973, 140), and
Rothman and Lichters (1982, 112) critiques of Fuchs.
86. American neoconservatism is a spec
ifically Jewish conservative political
movement but is not relevant to Pipes
s argument as it applies to the Bolsheviks
because its proponents have an overt
Jewish identity and the movement is
directed at achieving perceived Jewish interests, for example, with regard to
Israel, affirmative action and immigration policy.
87. Religious orthodoxy was also compa
tible with attraction to anarchism:
Alderman (1983, 64) quotes a contemporar
y writer to the effect that the
anarchists had achieved such popularity th
at they became almost respectable. A
sympathizer could lay on his
(phylacteries) on the morning of an
Anarchist-sponsored strike, bless Rocker [a
gentile anarchist leader], and still go
off to evening service as an orthodox Jew.
88. In Rothman and Lichters (1982, 217) study, radicalism among American
Jews was inversely related to religious
orthodoxy. Moreover, there was a major
89. Levey (1996), in his review of the
literature on the attraction of American
Jews to liberalism, rejects Meddings (1977)
theory that Jewish political behavior
is a function of perceived Jewish micro-
political interests. I was not persuaded
by Leveys argument. For example, Levey
argues that the threat of anti-Semitism
cannot explain the percentage of Jews
that vote Democratic because the
percentage of Jews who viewed the Re
publican Party as anti-Semitic was much
lower than the percentage who voted for
the Democratic Party, and some Jews
voted Democrat even though they pe
rceived anti-Semitism within the
Democratic Party. However, perceive
d anti-Semitism may be only one reason
why Jews vote against the Republicans. As stressed here, another perceived
maintaining the revolution, often with
strong overtones of anti-Semitism. In his
1982 book
Igor Shafarevich, a mathematician and member of the
prestigious U.S. National Academy of Sciences (NAS), argued that Jews were
hostile to Russian culture and bore respon
sibility for the Russian Revolution (see
, 1992, 743;
The Scientist 6(19)
, 1992, 1). The NAS asked
Shafarevich to resign his position in the academy, but he refused. See also
97. Rank had a very strong Jewish identity
, viewing the pressures of assimilation
ed what he once gently called [Jungs]
inability to define libidowhich meant,
translated, that he was unwilling to
accept Freuds term, to make it stand not
just for the sexual drives, but for a
general mental energy (Gay 1988, 226; see also Grosskurth 1991, 43). Like
belief (indeed, Gay [1988, 331] writes of Freuds pugilistic atheism). As
indicated elsewhere in this chapter, central to what one might term Freuds
pathologization of Christianity is his vi
ew that religious belief is nothing more
than a reaction formation to avoid guilt feelings consequent to a primeval
Oedipal event or, as developed in
The Future of an Illusion
, merely childish
feelings of helplessness. Thus a central function of
Totem and Taboo
appears to
have been to combat everything that is Aryan-religious (in Gay 1988, 331), a
comment that at once illustrates Freuds
agenda of discrediting not just religion
but gentile religion in particular and rev
eals the extent to which he viewed his
to hierarchical authority. Egotistic motiv
es are therefore incompatible with these
movements: such movements thrive on
the submergence of self-interest to the
goals of the group. In Chapter 6 I ar
gue that science is inherently an
individualistic enterprise in which there is minimal loyalty to an ingroup.
105. Fritz Wittels dates the desire for a strict organization to discussions
among Freud, Ferenczi, and Jung that occurred during the 1909 voyage to the
United States. I think there is good re
ason to suppose that they discussed the
need for a strict organization of the
psychoanalytical movement. Henceforward,
Freud no longer treated psychoanalysis
as a branch of pure science. The politics
of psychoanalysis had begun. The three travelers took vows of mutual fidelity,
agreeing to join forces in the defense of
the doctrine against all danger (1924,
106. Wittels (1924, 143-144) recounts an
and Irving Kristol. Of these, only Noam
Chomsky could possibly be regarded as
someone whose writings were not highly influenced by his Jewish identity and

nature, an inexorable spiritual force.
The child suffers in submitting to this
force. It is almost impossible for an adult to remember all the pangs he
experienced as a child in heeding innu
merable parental admonitions not to
Agreement with such items is not self-contradictory. Such attitudes are probably
a common component of the reactive processes discussed in
(Chs. 3-5).
Jews are viewed by these anti-Semites as members of a strongly cohesive group
present clannish, power-seeking behavior
of outgroup members. Again, social
identity research and evolutionary theory
do not predict that individuals will hold
true or self-consistent beliefs about an
outgroup such as the Jews. Levinson,
however, is clearly going far beyond the
data in an attempt to portray anti-
Semitism as entirely irrational.
121. See also the discussion in
(Ch. 6) of ADL strategies to combat anti-
Semitism by making true statements about
Jews into exemplars of anti-Semitic
attitudes. Mayer (1979, 84)) notes that Orthodox Jews are highly concerned
about living in an area which has a suffic
iently high concentration of Jews, and
Lowenstein (1983) shows that Jews conti
nued to live in concentrated areas in
Germany after emancipation. See also Glazer and Moynihan (1970) for similar
data for American Jews.
high scorers are more likely to be in prison. This problem is much less apparent
in the interviews from the women, however
, where the high scorers were mainly
students and health workers, although 3
of the 25 were psychiatric patients.
Nevertheless, Altemeyer (1988, 37) notes th
at the San Quentin interviewees were
the backbone of the statistically significant results separating the high and low
scorers. Besides this method of inflating the level of statistical significance by
including highly unrepresentative subjects,
there was also a strong tendency to
discuss results as if they were based on st
atistically significant differences when
in fact the differences were not significant (Altemeyer 1988, 38).
It has also been shown that scores
127. This idea that rebellion against pare
ntal values and authority is a sign of
mental health can also be seen in the th
eory of the psychoanalyst Erik Homberg
Erikson (1968). Erikson proposed that the most important developmental issue of
adolescence was the identity crisis and that going through an identity crisis was a
necessary prerequisite for healthy adult
psychological functioning. The evidence
indicates, however, that adolescence is not normatively a time of rebellion
against parents, but rebellion against pare
nts is associated with hostile, rejecting
family relationships.
The interesting point here is that research on identity processes during
adolescence does not support the idea that adolescents who accept adult values
show signs of psychopathology. The subjects who most resemble those viewed as
pathological in
The Authoritarian Personality
are termed foreclosure subjects
by Marcia (1966, 1967). These subjects ha
ve not experienced an identity crisis
but have made commitments which they have accepted from other individuals,
usually parents, without question. The fa
milies of foreclosure subjects tend to be
child-centered and conformist (Ada
ms, Gullotta, & Markstrom-Adams 1994).
Matteson (1974) found that foreclosures par
ticipated in a love affair with their
families, and Muuss (1988)
summarizes evidence
indicating that foreclosures are
very close to and feel highly valued by their parents. Degree of control is
intermediate, neither too harsh nor too
limited, and such individuals perceive
parents as accepting and supportive. The
parent-child relationships of these
individuals appear to be the authoritati
ve parent-child relationships commonly
viewed by developmental psychologists
as producing optimal child development.
Marcia and Friedman (1970) found that
guess her [mother] being so good and frie
ndly to everybody, especially me. (For
example?) Well, always trying to do everything for me. Very seldom go uptown
without bringing something back for me (p. 354); M13: Mostly [fathers]
attention to us kids was very admirable.
Hes very honest, so much so that he
wont condone charge accounts. Hes
known throughout the country as a man
whose word is as good as his bond. His greatest contribution was denying
himself pleasure to take care of us kids (p. 354).
In the section Image of the Mother: Sacrifice, Moralism, Restrictiveness,
mothers of high scorers are individuals who are highly self-sacrificing on behalf
of their children and also have a strong
sense of appropriate behavior which they
attempt to inculcate in their children. M
57: She was a hard working lady, took
care of us kids; she never did mistreat us in any way. M13: Mother was sick in
bed a great deal of the time. She devoted he
r last strength to us kids. M47: She
132. Another example of concern for so
cial status among high scorers is the
following from F79, who comes from a wealthy family that owns a lumber mill,
a logging camp, and other business interests: Its a medium sized mill but I have
no idea of his [fathers] income. Of cour
se, we children have always been to
private schools and lived in exclusiv
e residential section. Inwe had tennis
courts and horses. We had more or less to start over again when we came to this
country. We lived in a nice house but really couldnt afford it. It was quite an
wedding necessarilythey have one of the most beautiful experiences of
their lives The thing which the church can teach youth is to choose. By
this, she means principally the choice between right and wrong, but also to
choose ones friends. In a church gr
the subjects fit into the various categori
es. In the case of The Genuine Liberal,
there is a discussion of one subject.
139. Interestingly, immediately after expressing the moral legitimacy of free
145. Consider the influential postmodernist Jean-Franois Lyotard (1984, 8)
states that the right to decide what is true is not independent of the right to
decide what is just. In the best tradition of the Frankfurt School, Lyotard rejects
scientific accounts as totalitarian becau
se they replace traditional accounts of
culture with scientifically derived univer
sals. As with Derrida, Lyotards solution
is to legitimize all narratives, but the main
project is to attempt to prevent what
Berman (1989, 8) terms the developm
ent of an institutionalized master
narrativethe same deconstructive project that originated with the Frankfurt
School. It goes without saying that the rejection of science is entirely
the best tradition of the Frankfurt School.
146. I noted briefly the anti-Western ideology of Claude Lvi-Strauss in Chapter
2 (pp. 22-23). It is interesting that
Derrida deconstructed Lvi-Strauss by
accusing him of reactivating Rousseaus romantic views of non-Western cultures
and thereby making a whole series of essentialist assumptions that are not
unwarranted by Derridas radical skepticism. In response to Lvi-Strausss
criticisms of philosophers of consciousn
ess, Derrida answered that none of
them would have been as naive as Lvi-S
trauss had been to conclude so hastily
in favor of the innocence and original
goodness of the Nambikwara [an African
tribe]. Derrida saw Lvi-Strausss oste
Restriction of Immigration
, Hearings before the Committee on Immigration
and Naturalization House of Representatives, 68th Congress, 1st Sess., Jan. 5,
1924, 571.
152. See
Reconquista!: The Takeover of America
(Los Angeles: California
Coalition for Immigration Reform, 1997).
153. Statement of the AJCongress, Joint
Hearings Before the Subcommittees of
the Committees on the Judiciary, 82nd Congress, 1st Sess., on S. 716, H.R. 2379,
and H.R. 2816. March 6-April 9, 1951, 391.
154. Statement of the AJCongress, Joint
Hearings Before the Subcommittees of
the Committees on the Judiciary, 82nd C
ong., 1st Sess., on S. 716, H.R. 2379,
and H.R. 2816. March 6-April 9, 1951, 402-403.
155. The ADL continues to be a major promoter of diversity education through
its A WORLD OF DIFFERENCE Institute (, June, 1998). Since
1985 this institute has trained more
than 230,000 elementary and secondary
school teachers in diversity education an
d conducted workplace diversity training
programs for workers and college students in
the United States. Teacher training
programs have also been instituted in Germany and Russia.
156. Although blacks were included in th
e crucible in the play, Zangwill (1914)
seems to have had ambiguous attitudes towa
rd black-white intermarriage. In an
afterword he wrote that blacks on averag
representatives (e.g., Reps. Dickinson
[p. 6267], Garber [pp. 5689-5693] and
Smith [p. 5705]) contrasted the positive ch
aracteristics of the Nordic immigrants
with the negative characteristics of more recent immigrants without
165. Statement of the AJCongress, Joint
Hearings before the Subcommittees of
the Committees on the Judiciary, 82nd C
ong., 1st Sess., on S. 716, H.R. 2379,
and H.R. 2816, March 6-April 9, 1951, 565.
166. Statement of the AJCongress, Joint
Hearings before the Subcommittees of
the Committees on the Judiciary, 82nd C
ong., 1st Sess., on S. 716, H.R. 2379,
and H.R. 2816, March 6-April 9, 1951, 566. See also statement of Rabbi Bernard
J. Bamberger, President of the Synagogue Council of America; see also the
167. Statement of Will Maslow repres
enting the AJCongress, Joint Hearings
before the Subcommittees of the Comm
ittees on the Judiciary, 82nd Cong., 1st
Sess., on S. 716, H.R. 2379, and H.R. 2816, March 6-April 9, 1951, 394.
168. Joint Hearings Before the Subcommittees of the Committees on the
Judiciary, 82nd Cong., 1st Sess., on S.
716, H.R. 2379, and H.R. 2816, March 6-
April 9, 1951, 562-595.
169. Joint Hearings Before the Subcommittees of the Committees on the
Judiciary, 82nd Cong., 1st Sess., on S.
716, H.R. 2379, and H.R. 2816, March 6-
April 9, 1951, 410.
170. Joint Hearings Before the Subcommittees of the Committees on the
Judiciary, 82nd Cong., 1st Sess., on S.
716, H.R. 2379, and H.R. 2816, March 6-
April 9, 1951, 404.
171. Similarly, in England in 1887 the Federation of Minor Synagogues was
created by established British Jews to m
oderate the radicalism of newly arrived
immigrants from Eastern Europe. This
organization also engaged in deception by
deliberately distorting the extent to which the immigrants had radical political
attitudes (Alderman 1983, 60).
172. Joint Hearings Before the Subcommittees of the Committees on the
Judiciary, 82nd Cong., 1st Sess., on S.
716, H.R. 2379, and H.R. 2816, March 6-
April 9, 1951, 563.
173. Handlin also contributed several articles and reviews to
the flagship journal of the New York
Intellectuals. Reflecting his deep-seated
belief in cultural pluralism, in a 1945 book
review he stated, I simply cannot
grasp a conception of Americanism that rests on the notion that a social group
constitutes a nation insofar as its member
s are of one mind (Handlin 1945,
174. Similarly, L. C. Pogrebin (1991) describes her involvement as a major
figure in the early feminist movement
and her eventual di
senchantment resulting
from the blatant anti-Semitism of third
world women, which was apparent at
international conferences, and the lack of zeal on the part of Western feminists in
condemning these outbursts. As did many
Jewish leftists, Pogrebin eventually
developed a hybrid in which feminist ideas were combined with a deep
commitment to Jewish culture.
175. In turn, neoconservatives have respon
ded that such charges are anti-Semitic.
For example, Russell Kirk stated that
some prominent neoconservatives mistook
Tel Aviv for the capital of the United Stat
es, a charge that Midge Decter labeled
a bloody piece of anti-Semitism (see
Judis 1990, 33). See also Norman
tween the theory and the reality of
the medieval
Louis (1226-1270) (see also
, appendix to Ch. 5). Louis had a powerful
at he was substantially successful in
this endeavor (e.g., Richard 1992). Cont
rary to this view, George Mosse
represents a mainstream perspective when
he contrasts what he describes as the
irrational, mystical tendencies of the
intellectuals with the Jewish-
dominated leftist intellectual movements of the period. The latter are described as
Kevin MacDonald is Professor of Psychology at California State University-
Long Beach, Long Beach, CA 90840-0901,
USA. His research has focused on
developing evolutionary perspectives in
history and developmental psychology.
After receiving a Masters degree in evolu
tionary biology, he received a Ph.D. in
biobehavioral sciences at the University
of Connecticut work
ing on behavioral
development in wolves, and he contin
ued developmental research during a post-
doctoral fellowship at the University of
Illinois performing research on human
parent-child play. His research has
focused on developi
ng evolutionary
perspectives in developmental psychology. He has also authored four books,
Social and Personality Development:
An Evolutionary Synthesis
(NY: Plenum,
1988) and
A People that Shall Dwell Alone:
Judaism as a Group Evolutionary
(Westport, CT: Praeger, 1994),
Separation and Its Discontents: Toward
an Evolutionary Theory of Anti-Semitism
(Westport, CT, 1998), and

© 1998, 2002 by Kevin MacDonald. All rights reserved.
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